The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace
Honours Thesis Research

Aliyah Ali

Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
Bachelor of Arts, Honours in Criminology

Criminology Department
Faculty of Arts
Kwantlen Polytechnic University

[June 3, 2020]

Ali / The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace

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Ali / The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace
Abstract:
This research examines the experiences of Black LGBQ people within the workplace in the
Lower Mainland. It is important to explore these experiences because there is a significant lack
of research regarding the experiences of Black LGBQ people in not only British Columbia but
Canada. The theoretical framework of this study included critical race theory, feminist theory,
intersectionality, and queer theory. These theories supported the findings of this research and
helped to analyze patterns that emerged from the data collected. The literature review of this
study guided the development of the interview guide and analysis of data. The literature review
argues the limited research literature on the experiences of Black LGBQ people. For this study, 1
semi-structured interview was conducted in-person, and 3 were conducted over the phone. There
were 1 cisgendered lesbian, 2 cisgendered bisexual women, and 1 cisgendered gay man
interviewed, 3 of whom had university degrees. Participants worked in a range of workplaces
(e.g., childcare, educational services, health care, non-profit organizations, sales and retail, and
transportation). The research findings illustrated intersectional experiences between both Black
women and Black men. The 4 key themes found in this research were 1) racism within the
workplace, 2) inequity in promotions and opportunities within the workplace, 3) supervisors and
responses to racism within the workplace and 4) relationship with colleagues and supervisors
within the workplace. In the discussion chapter, an analysis of the key findings are supported by
the theoretical framework and research literature is undertaken. Three policy recommendations
for workplaces within the service sector and the labour market are outlined to better equip
workplaces with the knowledge and understanding of various forms of discrimination
demonstrated within the workplace.

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Ali / The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace
Keywords:
Black LGBQ people, Black people, queer people, discrimination, gender, racism, sexuality,
workplace, labour market

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Ali / The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace
Acknowledgements
I am deeply grateful for each individual who has taken part in this project.

I would like to acknowledge my supervisor, Dr. Tara Lyons, for mentoring me throughout this
research process and having taken the time to develop this project with me. Dr. Lyons’s
mentorship has helped me become more confident in academic writing and has consistently
encouraged me throughout my research. I truly valued Dr. Lyons’s knowledge and
understanding of diversity and inclusivity within academic research.

I would also like to acknowledge Dr. Mike Larsen for providing me with the foundational
information on the process of developing one’s research. Dr. Larsen’s guidance and feedback
have supported me in different areas throughout this project. I would also like to thank Dr.
Larsen for providing me with the opportunity to be a part of KPU’s Criminology Honours
program.

I am thankful for the other members of the research committee: Dr. Michael Ma and Dr. Lisa
Kitt, for both their contributions to this project. I sincerely valued Dr. Ma’s and Dr. Kitt’s insight
and constructive feedback on this research. I also appreciate Dr. Ma and Dr. Kitt for having
taken the time to review this project. I would further like to thank Dr. Kitt, who strongly
encouraged me to consider KPU’s Criminology Honours program.

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Ali / The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace

Thesis Committee:
Tara Lyons (PhD)​,​ ​Criminology Department (Supervisor)
Michael Ma (PhD)​, Criminology Department (Internal Reader)
Lisa Kitt (PhD)​, Co-Chair, Criminology Department (External Reader)

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Ali / The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace
Table of Contents
Section

Page

1

Introduction

#

8 - 16

2

Theoretical Framework and Literature Review

#

17 - 52

3

Methods

#

53 - 65

4

Results

#

66 - 93

5

Discussion and Conclusion

#

94 - 116

6

References

#

117 - 139

7

Appendices

#

140 - 146

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Ali / The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace
CHAPTER 1: Introduction
Chapter Summary
This chapter will first provide an introduction to the research project by explaining the purpose of
this research, the socio-historical context, the orientation to the research, followed by a preview
of the research methodology, theoretical framework, critical approaches, and the identification of
some expectations and concerns surrounding this research. The introduction will be followed by
a literature review which will unpack the situations that shape the experiences of Black LGBTQ
people.

Purpose of Research
This project sought to unveil the experiences of Black LGBTQ Canadians. However, because
trans participants were not recruited, the focus is on the experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians
in workplaces within the service sector and the labour market (i.e., sectors of administration,
childcare, communication, education, finance, food, healthcare, hospitality, housekeeping,
insurance, manufacturing, media, public transportation, real estate, recreation, retail, sales and
marketing, tourism, and trades). The acronym Black LGBQ refers to Black lesbian, bisexual,
gay, and queer people. For this research, the meaning of a workplace represents work
environments such as the labour market or service sector. The rational to conduct extensive
research around Black LGBQ people stemmed from the desire and need to learn more about their
everyday experiences including, experiences of employment, discrimination and feelings of
oppression, experiences of criminalization and incarceration, and stereotypes and
misconceptions. Researching this area is important because there remains a lack of information

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and recognition surrounding Black LGBQ experiences, let alone within the workplace. This
study aimed to address the research question, what are the experiences of Black LGBQ
Canadians in workplaces within the service sector and the labour market? As well as unpacking
additional research questions, which included, how are Black LGBQ people represented within
the workplace? What are some noticeable barriers of oppression for Black queer people within
workplaces? What is it about workplaces within the service sector and the labour market that
Black LGBQ people susceptible to discrimination? How are discriminatory actions dealt with
within a service sector and labour market workplace?
Furthermore, this research aimed to captivate public attention, as this matter requires the
support of society as a whole. This research caters to audiences such as research participants,
advocacy groups and organizations such as, Black Lives Matter Vancouver as well as
policymakers, social justice institutions, academic scholars, faculties of social sciences, and
post-secondary teachers and students to help create further recognition around the experiences of
LGBQ people. The goal of this research was to generate critical qualitative analysis of the
experiences and perspectives of Black LGBQ people within the workplace. It sought to unveil a
range of experiences amongst Black LGBQ with the intention of magnifying an important social
structural issue. Ultimately, this research aimed to answer the following question: What are the
experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians in workplaces within the service sector and the labour
market?

Socio-Historical Context

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Ali / The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace
Both historical and current research examining the lives of Black Canadians and LGBQ people
captured several socio-historical experiences of marginalization. Literature that examines the
experiences of Black Canadians encompasses systemic oppression through acts of
discrimination, slavery, immigration, and racial solidarity (Winks, 1997). Black slavery in
Canada began in 1970; whereby, Britain began to import Black slaves into Quebec. Historical
research surrounding Black Canadians explains that “the number of slaves increased rapidly. The
defence of slavery received a number of vocal and well-informed advocates. Negro slaves
virtually supplanted panis slaves, even in Quebec. Because many of the slaves came from larger
plantations where they had been trained to specific skills, the variety of work done by Negroes
was greatly expanded. Since a number of the Negroes were freedmen, slave, and free Negroes
now lived side by side” (Winks, 1997, p. 28). This demonstrates how many people of colour and
White Canadians, during the time, would automatically assume that the existence of Black
individuals was solely for servitude.
The socio-historical marginalization of LGBQ people primarily focuses on the
implementation, protection, and representation of queer human rights in Canada. Sexual
regulation in Canada concerning the civil rights of lesbian and gay individuals led to national
security campaigns commencing war against lesbian and gay individuals (Kinsman & Gentile,
2010). However, the establishment of queer activist movements made several successful
incorporations and alterations to lesbian and gay human rights. Kinsman and Gentile’s (2010)
literature states, “there has been significant progress on basic human rights protection, spousal
rights, family recognition rights, and same-sex marriage rights. This has led to some view the
existing federal form of the Canadian state, and particularly the Charter, as crucial to queer

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Ali / The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace
liberation” (p. xvi). Section 15 of the ​Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms e​ xpresses the
rights and legal protection of LGBQ people under the ​Rights of LGBTI persons​ by interpreting
the experiences of many members of the LGBQ community in Canada before 1969. In 1977, The
first alterations were made to the ​Canadian Charter.​ The alterations were made to the provincial
charter of human rights; whereby, sexual orientation became a prohibited grounds for
discrimination (Heritage Canada, 2018). However, even with the formal incorporation of queer
rights, there continued to be a lack of social acceptance towards lesbian and gay individuals
(Kinsman & Gentile, 2010). Queer people continued to experience acts of violence and hate
crime due to their sexual identity. In 2014, Statistics Canada reported the ​rate of violent
victimization among individuals who self‑identify as lesbian, gay or bisexual (LGB). After
controlling for other factors, the odds of violent victimization were higher for lesbian, gay, and
bisexual Canadians’ than their heterosexual counterparts.
In 1969, homosexuality was deemed as a criminal offence due to acts of sexual deviance
(Everitt & Camp, 2014). The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) was authorized as a civil
service to surveil anyone suspicious of engaging in homosexual practices (Everitt & Camp,
2014). Those that were found to be either lesbian or gay were subjected to interrogation.
The government of Canada outlines the heritage, culture, and experiences of LGBQ under
the ​Rights of LGBTI persons.​ The document discussed the historical accounts of discrimination,
punishment, and criminalization of LGBQ people in Canada before 1969 (Heritage, 2018). It
incorporates the legal protection towards LGBQ people by highlighting the alteration made to the
Canadian Human Rights Act (​ 1985) in 1996 to include sexual orientation as a prohibited grounds
for discrimination (Heritage Canada, 2018). However, the ​Canadian Charter of Rights and

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Freedoms (​ 1982) fails to incorporate sexual orientation under section 15, which states an
individual’s equality rights and the prohibited grounds for discrimination. Based on the ​Canadian
Human Rights Act (​ 1985), the prohibited grounds of discrimination are the following: race,
nationality, ethnicity, colour, religion, gender, gender identity, gender expression, sex, sexual
orientation, disability, marital status, family status, and genetic characteristics (CHRA, 1985).
The purpose of underlining the grounds of discrimination under the ​Canadian Human Rights Act
(1985) is to maintain equal opportunity among all individuals. This allows for accommodating
individual needs by providing equal opportunities. Identifying the legal protection and basic
human rights of queer people of colour would increase representation and identified the gaps in
the literature surrounding Black LGBQ people.

Orientation to Research
There remains a limited amount of research on the experiences of Black LGBQ people within the
workplace (Mayeda, 2005). The thought of conducting this research transpired through wanting
to learn more about the areas of social justice and the need to cultivate awareness around the
experiences of visible minorities. This research intended to capture an authentic yet appreciative
perspective around the experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians. This study intended to approach
research data through an anti-oppressive and intersectional perspective.

Preview of Theoretical Framework
The theories that guided my research project were critical race theory, feminist theory, queer
theory, and intersectionality. Firstly, critical race theory examines racism and power in

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association with social, political, and economic inequality (McCann & Kim, 2003). The
significance of this theory to this study is the identification and communication of racism in the
experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians.
Secondly, feminist theory critically analyzes gender roles within social, political, and
economic realms (Code, 2000). It explores issues surrounding gender inequality and creates
reformative ideas for social change. Feminist theory also took into account concepts and beliefs
that contribute to the marginalization of social groups, concepts such as patriarchy, capitalism,
misogyny, sexism, and white feminism (McCann & Kim, 2003, p. 1). Most importantly, feminist
theory explores the concept of intersectionality by Kimberle Crenshaw. Intersectionality refers to
the inclusiveness of a diverse group of women with different identities (race, gender, sexual
orientation, age, class, disability, and religion) (Code, 2000). This research examined the
intersections of race, gender, and sexual identity based on individual interviews.
Lastly, queer theory analyzes gender and cultural studies that reflect issues among
marginalized groups. Queer theory is representative of elements like individual identity,
non-conformity of sexuality and gender norms, and the opposition to heteronormativity (Code,
2000). This theory supports a wide range of sexual identities alongside arguing against the
normalization of heterosexual practices in several cultures and societies.
These theories guided my research by providing an understanding of key concepts and
frameworks. They also helped to identify and explain issues by addressing the causal factors. The
theoretical framework of this study supports the patterns that emerge from participant data as
well as the research analysis. It also supports the key themes found through the research analysis.

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This research also incorporated a qualitative methods approach. It also incorporated an
anti-oppressive, intersectional, and activist approach. An anti-oppressive approach seeks to
explore and eliminate various forms of oppression that certain social groups and individuals are
forced to endure (Reid et al., 2017). An anti-oppressive approach also focuses on developing and
sustaining social change by creating knowledge through anti-oppressive research (Potts &
Brown, 2005). This approach seeks to centralize social justice as the ultimate goal of identifying
the problems among different social and political groups and articulating the matter by
addressing potential solutions that incorporate an anti-oppressive approach (Potts & Brown,
2005). Research by Potts and Brown (2005) justifies that by sustaining an anti-oppressive
approach within a study helps to recognize practices of oppression and privilege among social
groups and social relations. Intersectionality is based on a term coined by Kimberle Crenshaw
(1989) known as intersectionality. It is an approach that understands sexuality, gender,
race/ethnicity, and class as intersecting with patriarchal power to shape one’s experience (Reid et
al., 2017). An activist approach focuses on the intersections of both gender identities and racial
identities (Marine & Trebisacci 2018). This approach also implies that “activists also employ
various strategies with peers, reframing conversations around hook-up culture and promoting
healthy relationships” (Marine & Trebisacci, 2018, p. 649). Thus, reflecting the different ways to
raise awareness surrounding societal issues.

Preview of Research Method
To answer the research question, what are the experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians in
workplaces within the service sector and the labour market? As well as unpacking additional

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research questions, which included, how are Black LGBQ people represented within the
workplace? What are some noticeable barriers of oppression for Black queer people within
workplaces? What is it about workplaces within the service sector and labour market that make it
more susceptible for Black LGBQ people to be discriminated against? How are discriminatory
actions dealt with within a service sector and labour market workplace? Research data was
collected from 4 semi-structured, qualitative interviews. For this study, 1 semi-structured
interview was conducted in person and 3 were conducted over the phone. The participants had to
be 1) 18+ years old, 2) reside within the Lower-Mainland, and 3) identify as either Black,
African, or Caribbean, and as members of the LGBTQ community. By conducting
semi-structured interviews, it provided an insight into participants' experiences and a chance to
obtain a greater understanding of the context behind each experience. Conducting interviews also
allowed for questions to be tailored specifically to the research question, which provided the
opportunity to collect a broad range of data including, various perspectives, opinions, and
interpretations regarding the specific sample of interest. The sampling approach that was used in
this research project was convenience sampling. Convenience sampling supports participant
recruitment because it saves time and money at the expense of reliable information (Creswell &
Poth, 2018). Participant interviews ranged from 45 to 60 minutes. The data collected from
participant interviews were audio-recorded with a tape recorder alongside handwritten notes. The
semi-structured interviews were guided by an interview guide (Appendix B) developed with the
principal investigator. A two-step coding process allowed us to analyze sections of each
interview transcript and to highlight specific themes that emerged from the data (Reid et al.,
2017). The theoretical framework also supported the analysis of this research. It also helped to

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justify the experiences of discrimination of Black LGBQ people to develop greater awareness.
This research took into account four main ethical challenges when it came to conducting research
involving human participants, which included data security, maintaining confidentiality, avoiding
retraumatization, and obtaining a sufficient pool of research participants. Drawing on research
literature contributed to the overall context of this project. Next, I will discuss the research
literature on the experiences of Black LGBQ people, which was examined through academic
research, Canadian law, and Canadian legislative documents. The literature review of this study
focused on unpacking and providing context on the historical and contemporary experiences of
Black LGBQ people.

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CHAPTER 2: Theoretical Framework and Literature Review
Chapter Summary
This chapter will discuss the theoretical framework for this study and how it guides the
methodology, data analysis, and interpretation of the research findings. The theoretical
frameworks (critical race theory, feminist theory, intersectionality, and split labour market
theory) and an anti-oppressive approach. This chapter also focuses on examining the historical
and contemporary literature on lived experiences of Black, LGBQ, and Black LGBQ people. I
reviewed various forms of literature such as scholarly studies, legislative Acts, and reports. The
research literature also incorporates Black LGBTQ people’s lived experiences within the United
States to ensure proper validation of systemic social structural issues. Both American and
Canadian literature generates greater insight into the lives of Black LGBTQ people. The
literature review not only encompasses the historical context, habitual experiences, experiences
of employment, experiences of discrimination, and contributing factors such as stereotypes and
misconceptions of Black LGBTQ people, but it also expands on the experiences of
criminalization, incarceration, and oppression. By addressing these broader experiences of Black
LGBTQ people it allows to capture various historical and contemporary forms of practice
towards Black LGBTQ people. Both the theoretical framework and literature review supports the
broader experiences of Black LGBQ people as it provides a better understanding of a
marginalized population. Therefore, a more in-depth interpretation of the multiple factors that
further instigate the experiences of Black LGBQ people within the workplace.
Part one of this literature review provides an exploratory and descriptive analysis of the
representation and lived experiences of Black people throughout historical and contemporary

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literature. This portion focuses on qualitative forms of research and aims to interpret the context
and reasoning behind the experiences of Black people. By examining the historical and
contemporary literature surrounding the lived experiences of Black people, I intended to obtain a
genuine interpretation of the experiences that Black people commonly face in society. These
experiences may or may not contribute to the overall experiences that Black people encounter
within the workplace. It was also important to keep in mind that even if some of the literature
surrounding Black people may seem less relevant to the specific research topic; these experiences
contribute to a greater understanding of the experiences of Black people.

Theoretical Framework
Critical race theory examines racism and power in association with social, political, and
economic inequality (Code, 2000). It examines the hierarchical influence that dominant groups
have on other racial groups (Furman et al., 2018). The importance of incorporating critical race
theory in this research is to identify and communicate power structures in society that contribute
to social inequality and various forms of oppression. Critical race theory exposes the struggles of
Black people and communities by focusing on the overarching structural power of racism
(Alderman et al., 2018). Critical race theory is said to “draw important relationships between race
and other axes thus illuminating the way racism links with other forms of injustice” (Alderman et
al., 2018, p. 233). This indicates that influential groups also have the power to affect other
marginalized groups. Research which examines the intersections of race, gender and class within
an educational context emphasizes how “​critical race theorists argue that the majority of racism
remains hidden beneath a veneer of normality and it is only the more crude and obvious forms of

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racism that are seen as problematic by most people” (Gillborn, 2015, p. 278). These forms of
racism are portrayed through limited opportunities, underrepresentation of groups, and a lack of
equality, which demonstrate the power imbalance amongst different racial groups in society
(Furman et al., 2018). Critical race theory also helps to understand the challenges associated with
a dominant perspective when it comes to transforming social structures to be more inclusive of
marginalized groups (Furman et al., 2018)
F​eminist theory critically analyses gender roles within social, political, and economic
realms. It explores issues surrounding gender inequality and creates reformative ideas for social
change (Code, 2000). Feminist theory also takes into account the concepts and beliefs that
marginalize racial groups such as patriarchy, capitalism, misogyny, sexism, and racism (McCann
& Kim, 2003, p. 1). More importantly, the concept of intersectionality coined by Kimberlé
Crenshaw (1989) allows us to examine the multiple intersections of gender, sexuality, and
racism. Intersectionality is the understanding of different social identities (race, gender, sex,
sexual orientation, age, class, colour, nationality/ethnicity, disability, and religion) (Code, 2000).
According to Furman et al. (2018), intersectionality supports discussions around the implications
of White supremacy on the lived experiences of members of the queer community, especially
those that are queer and transgender. For example, Bostwick et al. (2018) research on depression
and victimization amongst a sample of bisexual and lesbian women, found that
W​hen considering the intersection of race/ethnicity and sexual identity, Black bisexual and
Black lesbian women had significantly lower odds of depression than White lesbian
women, despite their higher reports of victimization. (p. 131)

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This demonstrates how using an intersectionality framework contributes to analyzing social
problems, practices, and policies to encourage a better representation and understanding of the
queer community.
Another theory that guides this research is split labor market theory. Split labor market
theory examines the dynamics of equalization and exclusion within the Canadian labour market.
This theory expands on the significance of class relations as a plausible means to higher-paid
labour. However, ethnic and racial groups are said to be exploited for cheaper labour (Bonacich,
1972). The split labor market theory, according to theorist Edna Bonacich (1972), “emphasizes
strategies of closure, pursued by high priced labour, and only briefly comments on an additional
option or alternative. Higher-priced labour does tend to protect itself from the competition of
cheap labour by closing off the market. But it can also be seen to follow a different course, that
of equalization. It attempts to avoid being substituted or downgraded by raising the value of
cheap labour, and thus eliminating, or mitigating, the competition between then” (p. 556). This
theory supports this project by demonstrating how the Canadian labour market takes a capitalist
stance and lacks perspective on the history and oppression of queer people. According to
Bonacich’s (1972) research, there are three dynamics to split labor markets. The first dynamic is
business and employers, which aims to maintain a cheap labour force to compete with other
businesses (Bonacich, 1972). A cheap labour force keeps the cost of labour lower. The second
dynamic is, higher-paid labour, this group fears cheaper paid labour as it tends to forcefully
relocate higher-paid labour such as farmers, small businesses, entrepreneurs. It also addresses the
class conflict that exists between higher-paid labour and cheaper paid labour. The third dynamic
is cheaper labour, whereby employers benefit by paying less for the cost of labour. However,

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they seek a quick return (Bonacich, 1972). The split labor market theory argues the disparities
that minority groups such as the queer communities experience within the workplace.
Queer theory is representative of elements like individual identity, non-conformity of
sexuality and gender norms, and the opposition of heteronormativity (Code, 2000). This theory
supports a wide range of sexual identities alongside arguing against the normalization of
heterosexual practices in societies and cultures. The normalization of heterosexuality is
understood as a form of coercion in society (Rumens et al., 2019). Queer theory also argues that
there are an underrepresentation and a lack of queer activism in academic projects (Rand, 2006),
thus imposing restrictions on the representation of the queer community within workplaces.
Queer theory from an academic perspective mirrors queer activism as they both work towards
identifying and understanding the queer community and their experiences (Rand, 2006).
Lastly, this project is also guided by an anti-oppressive approach that looks at eliminating
oppression from various social groups and individuals (Reid et al., 2017). This approach also
seeks to centralize social justice as the ultimate goal to increasing equity and reducing
discriminatory behaviour. The integration of theoretical debates and an anti-oppressive approach
helps to argue the situational extremities that Black LGBQ people tend to experience. It also
helps to address the need for social structural change to better support the needs of Black people.
The integration of these theoretical perspectives guided the methodology, data analysis,
and interpretation of my research findings. These theories supported my research by providing an
understanding of the key concepts such as discrimination, workplace, the rights of queer people,
and guiding the interpretation of the data (e.g. themes that emerge). These theories also helped to

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identify and explain issues such as wage gaps, employment opportunities, and discriminatory
actions experienced by Black LGBQ participants in the study.

Literature Review Part 1: The Experiences of Black People
Historical Context
The literature that examines the lived experiences of Black people encompasses systemic forms
of oppression through acts of discrimination, slavery, immigration, and racial solidarity (Winks,
1997). Black slavery in Canada began in 1767; whereby, Britain began to import Black slaves
into Quebec. Historical research by Winks (1997) surrounding Black Canadians explains the
following:
The number of slaves increased rapidly. The defense of slavery received a number of vocal
and well-informed advocates. Negro slaves virtually supplanted panis slaves, even in
Quebec. Because many of the slaves came from larger plantations where they had been
trained to specific skills, the variety of work done by Negroes was greatly expanded. Since
a number of the Negroes were freedmen, slave, and free Negroes now lived side by side.
(p. 28)
This demonstrates how many people of colour and White people during the time, would
automatically assume that the existence of Black individuals was solely for slavery. During
1813-1816, Black refugees were brought to Nova-Scotia after passing through the Atlantic for
servitude (Winks, 1997). However, there were many more slaves then the Nova Scotian
legislature and the British government had expected. This resulted in a mass population of Black
slaves. Winks (1997) explains that “neither the Nova Scotian legislature nor the British

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government was prepared to provide the long-range support or the careful planning necessary for
the resettlement of a group of displaced persons so inadequately equipped to meet their own
needs” (p. 120). This ultimately led to the starvation of many Black people as conditions slowly
became uninhabitable due to the ineffective organization of proper residency by British and Nova
Scotian governments. Nevertheless, the attempts to abolish slavery began in 1851 with the
establishment of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada (Winks, 1997). The organization aimed to
“aid in the extinction of Slavery all over the world’, by any lawful and practical means” (Winks,
1997, p. 255). The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada emphasizes the global importance of
abolishing African-American slavery for refugees to obtain freedom. However, Thornhill’s
(2008) research reveals that Black immigration in Canada prompted racial hostility of White
people against Black people due to the fear of the protection and comfort of White people. Many
of these socio-historical forms of marginalization continue to affect the lives and lived
experiences of Black people today.
In 1850, the United States passed the ​Fugitive Slave Act,​ which allowed the federal
government to capture Black slaves that were escaping enslavement and bringing them back to
their slave owners (Basinger, 2003). The Act led to nearly 3,000 Black slaves to migrate to
Canada through the underground railroad system within a month of the passing of this law
(Reese, 2011). Research by Reese (2011) elaborates on how “Canada provided the most secure
safe-haven in North America for Black fugitives. Canada also provided a safe-haven for free
Black escaping the vicious and unremitting discrimination they faced in the U.S.” (p. 209). As
Canada became the promised land for many Black slaves, it was not long after that Blacks
encountered the same type of mistreatment from Canada as they did from the United States

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(Reese, 2011). In the early 1900s, many Black people who were migrating to Canada in search of
work and greater opportunities were faced with restrictions due to Canada’s first ​Immigration
Act,​ which was passed in 1869 (Archives Canada, 2019). The first immigration Act imposed
barriers such as restricting entry into Canada for many racial groups, including Black
communities.
Furthermore, in the 1960s and 1970s, African-Canadians were living in a small village
called Africaville in Halifax, Nova Scotia (Remes, 2018). Approximately 400 former Black
loyalists that had survived the American Revolution had settled and established a Black
community in the area. Remes (2018) research on Africville explains how the City of Halifax
destroyed many Black lives living in the area, and how “for years, Africville was deprived of
municipal services, and left with inadequate police protection and sewage services, no running
water, and no viable educational system, creating the very “slum” conditions which the city
ostensibly sought to remedy by its destruction” (Remes, 2018, p. 223). Residence of Africville
were forced to relocate by the city because of the plans to develop new housing. This historical
context continues to shape Black LGBQ people’s lives in Canada. These historical events impact
Black LGBQ people’s employment experiences.

Employment
The literature surrounding Black people and employment describe experiences of increased
inequality within the Canadian labour market due to continuous forms of discrimination. Black
people were found to be either unemployed, underpaid, or lack educational qualifications for job
opportunities (Mensah, 2002). Black women, on the other hand, experienced a greater impact of

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gender inequalities when it came to working within the Canadian labour market. Mensah (2002)
states
While some of the labour market characteristics of Black women are similar to those of ‘all
visible minority women’. Black women have a higher labour force participation rate and a
higher unemployment rate, and they derive a higher percentage of their income from
government transfer payments. (p. 153)
This demonstrates how Black women face racial and gender disparity when it comes to seeking a
job within the labour market.
One way racial degradation impacts Black lives today is within the labour market.
Research literature surrounding labor market discrimination articulates the stereotypical
generalizations conveyed against Black people (Pager et al., 2009). Research conducted by Pager
et al. (2009) states,
The growing importance of soft skills, ethnic heterogeneity, and job seekers with criminal
records suggest the persistence or increasing incidence of discrimination in contemporary
low-wage labor markets. Whether based on statistical generalizations or inaccurate
stereotypes, preconceived notions about the characteristics or desirability of black men
relative to other applicant types are likely to structure the distribution of opportunity along
racial lines. (p. 780)
This research confirms that racial discrimination within the labour market exists. Nevertheless,
the same study indicates that there is a staggering hourly wage difference between Black men
and White men, which ranges between 10 to 20 percent (Pager et al., 2009). These findings
demonstrate how race depicts one’s wages; thereby, underlining a pressing issue of race

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differences in human capital (Pager et al., 2009). This illustrates the effects of discrimination
against Black people working within the labour market. Hasford’s (2011) research also explores
workplace oppression among Black youth and the concern towards increased amounts of
racialization, stereotypes, unequal opportunities and gender-based disadvantages.
Mensah (2002) discusses how prevalent racism continues to be within the Canadian labour
market, and how evident it is that the labour market sustains itself through a race-based
hierarchy. In this hierarchy, White dominant groups are at the top of the labour market, and
Black people are at the lower end of the latter (Mensah, 2002; Hou & Coulombe, 2010).
Research surrounding the experiences of Black people within the labour market indicates that
they are highly susceptible to mistreatment by others, specifically racism (Mensah, 2002; Hou &
Coulombe, 2010). Intersectionality can also be used to understand how Black women face
additional barriers and stigma in the labour market due to their intersecting racial and gender
identities. Brown and Misra’s (2003) research, which discusses the intersections of gender and
race in the labour explains that “the evidence for intersections of race and gender in the labor
market focuses on the three economic domains. The first two, wages and discrimination, lie at
the heart of debates on labor market inequality. The third domain, immigration and domestic
labor, represents one of the richest sources of research on intersectionality in the labor markets
conducted by multiracial feminist sociologists” (p. 495). Ultimately, this unveils how
intersections such as race and gender have a distinguishable oppressive effect on Black women.
Split labour market theory is one component of segmentation theory, which explains the
increase in racial inequalities within the Canadian labour market. This theory expands on the
reasoning behind capitalist economies (Mensah, 2002). The split labour market theory, according

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to theorist Bonacich, “demonstrates how race is often used to differentiate the price of labour in a
way that benefits employers and majority workers at the expense of Blacks and other minorities.
Bonacich points out that in a split labour market, it is uncommon to find White workers using
their racial privileges to monopolize the better-paying positions or to receive higher wages for
doing the same work as their non-White counterparts” (Bonacich, 1972, p. 136). It shows how
discrimination is a key structural conflict in the Canadian labour market. It may also unveil the
conflict of interest between different racial groups (Bonacich, 1972). Additionally, the perception
of both Black adults and youth tend to be affiliated with low-paying jobs that require a low skill
set. However, according to Hasford (2011), Black youth, “tend to work in areas such as food
services, retail, customer service, and factories, doing jobs that usually involve low pay, low
skill, and low job security, with few meaningful opportunities for learning or applying skills,
learned in school” (p. 19). This quality of work and skill set contributes to the oppression that
Black people experience; however, it is also hard for Black youth to further develop their
education and skill set at a young age to avoid stigmatization.
The labour market and service sector type jobs pay minimum wage. This type of work
environment is often accompanied by wage discrimination, antagonism, competition, and
inequality (Makabe, 1981). Literature by Calliste (1995) discusses the implications for people of
colour on employment equity by arguing the split labor market theory by Edna Bonacich (1972).
Calliste (1995) explains that “a split labor market exists when the cost of labor differs
substantially along ethnic lines for the same work or would differ if they did the same work” (p.
299). Employees from ethnic backgrounds that work within the labour market are paid less in
comparison to employees of dominant ethics groups. This is because employers choose to cut

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labour costs by paying employees of visible ethnic groups less than dominant ethnic groups. This
results in ethnic antagonism, under-representation of minority groups, and racial wage gaps
within the workplace.
Additionally, Mensah (2002) includes a case study in his research called ​The Case of Black
Domestic Women from the Caribbean,​ which focuses on the recruitment of Black women within
the Canadian labour market. In the 1900s, Black women from overseas were recruited based on
their job performances. However, these women received lower-wages than White recruits. The
recruitment of Black women ended when panic-struck over the thought of an increase in Black
women migrating to Canada. According to Thornhill (2008), in the 1950s, the Canadian
government began recruiting young Black women from the Caribbeans. These women were
designated to work and assist the needs of Canadian families. In 1955, the Canadian government
began recruiting Black women from Jamaica and Barbados under a specific recruitment
guideline. Mensah (2002) specifies that “eligible recruits had to be single, 18 to 35 years of age,
in good health, and with a minimum of Grade 8 education” (p. 151). Black women were put to
work in domestic services. After a year of employment, Black women were granted landed
immigrant status. The majority of the Black women that were working in domestic services were
servants. This case demonstrates the hardship of racial oppression that Black women were forced
to endure as well as the lack of recognition of equity for people of colour working in the service
sector and labour market.
Furthermore, Statistics Canada confirms that Black people are people of a visible minority.
This racial status is part of the enactment of the ​Employment Equity Act;​ whereby, visible
minorities are labelled to promote awareness within the workplace (Statistics Canada, 2019).

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This Act requires employers to promote fair and proactive treatment of visible minorities.
Although the ​Employment Equity Act i​ s a means to encourage treatment towards visible
minorities (Black people), it has also led to additional racial barriers and class matters concerning
patterns of systemic discrimination (Statistics Canada, 2019). Ultimately, these patterns of
systemic discrimination contribute to the ongoing experiences of discrimination and oppression.

Experiences of Discrimination and Oppression
There are only a handful of rights that protect Black LGBQ individuals in Canada. The Canadian
government specifies the grounds of discrimination under the ​Canadian Human Rights Act
(1977). This prohibits discrimination against an individual’s race, gender, age, sex, national
origin, religion, sexual orientation, disability, marital status, and family status (CHRA, 1977).
According to Dranoff (2011), the ​Human Rights Act​ states that discrimination is prohibited in
employment, accommodation, services, and facilities in Canada. Nevertheless, discrimination
continues to exist in Canadian workplaces. Research literature establishes that racism is apparent
within the dominant culture and that systemic racism further contributes to unequal job access,
mobility, and quality (Hasford, 2016). Discriminatory practices against Black people are a form
of hate crime, which is most often disregarded by law enforcement officials and the public
(Dranoff, 2011). This indicates that there is a need for further examination and alterations to
discriminative policies surrounding people of a visible minority. However, the literature reveals
that Black people in Canada continue to face discrimination in several areas in their lives.
To better understand the experiences of Black people, we must first consider Black
people’s experiences with racism through dehumanization, racial marginalization, stigmatization,

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racial degradation, racial mythologies, and stereotypes and misconceptions. More importantly,
Black people experience racism through a historical context of oppression (Maynard, 2017). This
might be because of the high-level of racialization and a low-level of justification and
accountability by the government that violence against Black people continues to exist. Likewise,
critical race theory argues that there is systemic racism in society. By examining the experience
of discrimination surrounding Black people, critical race theory acknowledges the deep racism
which lies in political, social, and legal systems (Code, 2000; Solorzano et al., 2000) The
experiences of Black people regarding issues of racism validates that discriminatory practices
need further attention. Otherwise, racial degradation against Black people will continue into the
near future and will find new ways to impact the lives of Black people.
Another contemporary form of discrimination that research unveils is the normalization of
verbal and physical degradation of particularly Black transgender people (Browne et al., 2011).
There are reportedly increasing rates of hate crime against Black transgender people, according
to the Browne et al. (2011) study. Research further highlights that “the trans women of colour do
not seem to have a claim to ‘proper’ femininity and thus to feminine victimhood. They are
constructed as failing the norms of white respectable femininity. These norms are simultaneously
‘cis norms’ of alignment between genitals ‘that nature intended’ and perceived gender, entangled
with norms of behaviour, sexuality and attire” (Vähäpassi, 2019, p. 94-95). The normalization of
cisgender claims demonstrated through various forms of entertainment and media depictions is a
major factor in the ongoing discrimination and oppression that Black transgender people today
face.

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Ali / The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace
Intersectionality theory supports anti-discrimination measures by emphasizing multiple
forms of discrimination and its effects. A study by Mercat-Bruns (2017) explores issues of
equality and liberty through an intersectional lens. They explain how “t​he single-ground
approach of anti-discrimination law fails to recognize the discrimination experienced by people
who are at the intersection of several grounds and, according to the American conception of
discrimination, at the intersection of several classes of workers protected by the law.
Consequently, the law does not reflect the unique characteristics of the factors of exclusion
burdening these workers. Crenshaw gives the example of Black women, whose experiences are
very different from those of white women” (p. 47). The ​Canadian Human Rights Act​ (1985) does
not serve to protect the rights of Black LGBTQ people who sit in several intersections. The
concept of intersectionality with relevance to the grounds of discrimination allows for a better
representation of equality amongst Black LGBTQ people.
A central theme in the research literature was Black people's experiences and feelings of
oppression. For example, Black youth are forced to deal with the psychological implications of
racial oppression (Hasford, 2011). Black communities also face oppression through state control,
psychological factors, political factors, and ecological levels (personal, relational, and collective)
(Hasford, 2011). According to research literature, racial microaggressions are increasingly
prevalent among ethnic groups such as the Black community (Hollingsworth et al., 2017). Racial
microaggressions are described as “verbal, behavioural, and environmental racial slights or
insults directed to a person who is an ethnic minority group member” (Hollingsworth et al., 2017,
p. 105). They are found to contribute to high levels of stress and depression in many young Black
adults. Racial microaggressions are said to produce feelings of self-doubt in many young Black

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female adults, particularly those in college and university (Hollingsworth et al., 2017). Research
distinguishes that ongoing encounters with racial microaggressions among Black female students
result in significantly high rates of suicidal ideations (Hollingsworth et al., 2017). Critical race
theory, on the other hand, addresses that racial microaggressions represent a paradigm shift due
to racial discourses in education (Solorzano et al., 2000). Critical race theory also underlines that
the lack of cultural diversification and representation in education largely contributes to the
continuous subordination and discrimination of Black people.
The concept of intersectionality helps to identify the hierarchies amongst social classes and
races and how they interlock with oppressions. Moore explains how Black feminists are
challenging social structural matters by emphasizing the incorporation of intersectional
paradigms amongst agencies (Holder et al., 2015). Research surrounding Black feminist and
societal oppression explains how oppression remains a systemic issue due to systems and
organizations build upon power and dominance (Holder et al., 2015). It also acknowledges the
continuous experiences of oppression that Black women endure due to the long-standing impact
of colonialism, racism, and patriarchy. These experiences of oppression have ultimately led to
the normalization of traditional racialized customs.

Criminalization and Incarceration of Black People
After 1834, during the post-slavery era in Canada, hatred towards Black people became
increasingly pervasive (Maynard, 2017). People began to associate Blackness with immorality
and criminality. Black people were and continue to be heavily surveilled in their every movement
(Maynard, 2017). This is because Black men and women are deemed as threats to those in

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society. This results in Black men being associated and charged with rape by not only falsified
media representations but by the Canadian government and court system (Maynard, 2017).
Likewise, Maynard (2017) explains that “hatred and fear of Blackness were thus used by all
levels of government-buttressed by the police and the white settler population-to fuel further
anti-Black policies and reinforce the perception that Blackness equalled criminality” (p. 42).
Ultimately, this results in the increase in the criminalization of Black men, which is reflective of
the misconceptions surrounding Black men being rapists, sexual predators, and excessively
violent towards white women. This is also a reason for which Black men are highly incarcerated
in North America. On the other hand, Black women are criminalized for engaging in the sex
trade industry (Maynard, 2017). Research affirms that stereotypes of promiscuity of Black
women deem them as a criminal. Maynard (2017) explains that “prostitution laws were
weaponized to arrest and imprison Black and Indigenous women” (p. 45). However, some Black
women have no other choice but to work within the sex trade industry due to low-wages earned
in the labour market, lack of employment opportunities, or sex trafficking. Likewise, split labor
market theory validates that Black women are disproportionately misrepresented, mistreated, and
lack subsequent employment opportunities due to their race and gender (Bonacich, 1972). Black
women are commonly criminalized and incarcerated mainly by attempting to find alternative
forms of survival for either themselves or their families. This contributes to the historical and
contemporary negative portrayal of Black women.
Black people are also portrayed as poor and are deemed to frequently commit crimes
according to a study surrounding Black people, social norms, and cultural prejudices (De Lima et
al., 2019; Maynard, 2017). The study further addresses that “analyzing this racially-based class

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Ali / The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace
disparity from a social-psychological point of view, our research provided sufficient
experimental evidence for the hypothesis that white individuals tend to support more easily the
conviction of Black people from lower social classes when they commit a crime” (De Lima et al.,
p. 20-21, 2019). This underlines how influential powers such as an individual’s skin colour,
socioeconomic class, and cultural prejudice have an immense impact on sentencing a target to
prison (De Lima et al., 2019). These measures were taken against Black people merely depriving
them of humane treatment. On the other hand, the anti-prejudice norm is said to help protect
Black targets from being sentenced to a prison term. Research by De Lima et al. (2019) explains
how the anti-prejudice norm, “occurs only in the absence of other factors than race to explain
individuals’ behavior. When other possible factors for discrimination exist (e.g., belonging to a
lower social class), individuals tend to convict the lower-class black target to a greater extent” (p.
18). In this case, there are multiple patterns of racial biases and judgments that influence
participant responses regarding a verdict. It also conveys how some people possess preconceived
notions and biases when determining a sentencing verdict.
Furthermore, to understand the brutality and oppression that Black people face, we must
take into consideration an anti-oppressive approach. Whereby, the experiences of criminalization
and incarceration of Black people is reflective of hierarchical oppression. This means that “the
acceptability of a hierarchy, whereby one form of oppression is deemed more acceptable, or less
unacceptable, than another form, can be said to collude with supremacist thinking which seeks to
rationalize dominance and marginalization of one oppressed group in relation to another”
(McDonald & Coleman, 1999, p. 25). An anti-oppressive approach assists to validate the
experiences of oppression that Black people face, and further supports an affirmative role to

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create social change. A case study focusing on the experiences of Black Canadian inmates,
reported that “although Black inmates represent just 8% of the total inmate population, this
heterogenous group accounted for 37% of all discrimination complaints to my office between
2008 and 2018” (CSC, 2014). This demonstrates how Black people continue to remain oppressed
within correctional facilities across Canada, which also contributes to their overall
marginalization in society.

Stereotypes and Misconceptions
Manzo and Bailey (2005) emphasize the social depiction of race and its influence on shaping
racial identity. Thus, resulting in the formation of stereotypes surrounding specific
races/ethnicities and cultures. Black people face stereotypes and misconceptions surrounding
their race/ethnicity, which leads to an increase in mistreatment and misrepresentation.
Stereotypes and misconceptions also contribute to the dehumanization of Black people, and the
long-term oppression, marginalization, and hardship. For example, research surrounding young
Black offenders provides insight into the discourse of stereotypes between race and crime.
Manzo and Bailey (2005) emphasize the social depiction of race and its influence on shaping
racial identity. Thus, resulting in the formation of stereotypes surrounding specific
races/ethnicities and cultures (Manzo & Bailey, 2005). Some of the stereotypical categories
surrounding Black people is the perception of danger through criminalization, physical
appearance, and the behaviour of a gangster. Other stereotypes that surround Black people as
research (Manzo & Bailey, 2005; Maynard, 2017) mentions the perception that “Black persons as
entertainers, that is, as athletes, actors, musical performers and so on” (p. 290). This ultimately

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demonstrates how pop culture and Hollywood contribute to formulating specific stereotypical
images of Black people within the media. Stereotypes also perpetuate public fear towards
blackness and its historical misrepresentations of being affiliated with criminal activity
(Maynard, 2017). Nevertheless, criminal activity comes in various forms and may be interpreted
differently among individuals.
Research literature surrounding the sexual stereotypes of Black men and gay men are said
to have overlapping stereotypes (Calabrese et al., 2018). According to the literature, “​across
conditions, men who were Black or gay, even if not both, were commonly regarded as
promiscuous and hypersexual. Concerning Black gay men, in particular, the four unique
stereotypes that did emerge relative to Black men and gay men broadly—Down Low, Diseased,
Loud, and Dirty—were all derogatory” (Calabrese et al., 2018, p. 152). The findings that emerge
within the literature surrounding Black men and gay men highlight the intersectional analysis of
sexual stereotypes.
Stereotypes surrounding Black people include the representation of Black Africa-American
mothers as Welfare Queens (Peffley et al., 1997). Welfare Queens are considered to be less
fortunate Black mothers that live off government aid/benefits. Welfare queens are stereotypically
portrayed as aggressive, hostile, and lazy (Monahan et al., 2005). Literature reflecting stereotypes
surrounding Black women remains a historical construction (Sandlin et al., 2011). This
stereotype oppresses Black women and mothers who live in poverty and are struggling to make
ends meet. The Welfare Queen stereotype also conveys a racist, sexist, and impoverished views
of Black women (Sandlin et al., 2011). Likewise, feminist theory would argue that the formation
of this stereotype is due to various systemic forms of oppression constructed by patriarchy.

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An example of a misconception surrounding Black people, specifically Black men, is that
they are perceived as aggressive and violent (Johnson, 2018). Black men frequently experience
forms of racialization, marginalization, police brutality, criminalization, and incarceration
(Maynard, 2017; Brooms & Perry, 2016). A past case involving a seventeen-year-old Black man
named Trayvon Martin was shot to death in 2012 by a neighbourhood watchman (Johnson, 2018;
McCann, 2014). Trayvon Martin’s death immediately captured media attention and Black
solidarity. Johnson’s (2018) research underlines the aftermath of Trayvon Martin’s death and the
significance of “White gaze on the Black boy” by articulating that “the ‘White gaze’ as a means
of objectifying ‘the Black body,’ constructing it as an ‘entity to be feared, disciplined, and
relegated to those marginalized, imprisoned, and segregated spaces that restrict Black bodies
from ‘disturbing’ the tranquillity of White life, White embodiment, and White being’ (p. 230).
Trayvon Martin’s death was a reminder that the Black body in a White space represented
‘criminality itself” (p. 230). Trayvon Martin is just one of many Black individuals that have died
due to racialized violence. Black men are also perceived as aggressive and violent based on their
choice of apparel. Research surrounding the capabilities of a Black body within an athletic
context states that “athletic feats suddenly turns to unexplained fear of that same body. This fear
led one outspoken professional sports owner to suggest that he views a Black man in a hoody as
he would a White man with facial tattoos. In fact, the irony is not lost on the fact that his team is
primarily made up of, and successful due to, those Black men in hoodies that he fears” (Johnston,
2012, p. 235). This addresses a critical gap in the literature. The effects of racial profiling
perpetuate stigma and social inequality for many Black men (Teasley et al., 2018; McCann,
2018). Racial profiling shapes perceptions of racial minority groups and further stigmatizes them,

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such as young Black men. Likewise, Black bodies are perceived as a threat due to increased acts
of racial profiling. According to Brooms and Perry’s (2016) research, Black bodies are
“associated with poverty, danger, and distrust-above all, with regard to anonymous young males”
(p. 168). The negative aspects associated with Black bodies are better understood by integrating
critical race theory. Critical race theory challenges structural racial oppression by identifying
group disadvantages and challenging stereotypes. Thus, affirming the need to address and reform
institutional structure and practices to be more inclusive of marginalized groups.
Current American research also indicates the increased saliency for Trump during the 2016
election. Findings from Swain’s (2018) research addresses the “statistically significant
association between negative stereotypes of African-Americans and support for excessive use of
force by the police in their encounters with African-Americans. The results also show an
association with one of the measures for negative African-American stereotypes with support for
the police’s excessive use of force and a preference for Donald Trump” (p. 120). These are the
consequences that negative stereotypes surrounding Black Americans perpetuate and continue to
perpetuate today. Findings from another study that also examines stereotypes regarding Black
people identify the nonverbal bias through body language responses also compare the difference
between people’s depiction of a Black criminal and a White criminal (Meadors & Murray, 2014;
Maynard, 2017; Pickett et al., 2012). Research discloses that participants of this study tended to
display a closed posture when describing the White suspect. However, when describing the Black
suspect, participants tended to display an open posture. The difference between closed posture
and open posture is that closed posture conveys uncertainty, whereas open posture conveys
openness. These findings are not adequate; therefore, researchers Meador and Murray (2014)

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address the differences in nonverbal bias through body language responses between men and
women concerning a Black suspect and a White suspect. They indicate,
Men and women may be responding differently to the suspect according to how they were
socialized to respond to this type of situation (e.g., men tend to face social pressure when
displaying physical or emotional weakness). Furthermore, violent criminal stereotypes and
counter-stereotypes may provoke a qualitatively different anxiety in men and women.
Although there were no significant differences in ratings of anxiety or uncertainty among
male encoders, men did display significantly more anxiety-related behaviors (i.e., clothing
adjustments and body rubbing) in the White condition and more negative appraisals (i.e.,
face touches) in the Black condition. (Meador & Murray, 2014, p. 225)
By drawing a comparison between men and women’s nonverbal responses towards a Black
suspect and a White suspect, it seems as though that participant’s preconceived notions of race,
gender, criminality, and violence may also influence nonverbal bias responses. Nevertheless,
these types of responses can help to determine specific behaviours (Meador & Murray, 2014).

Literature Review Part 2: The Experiences of LGBQ People
Employment
Canada holds a strong anti-idiscrimination framework that protects individuals from
discrimination against one’s gender and sexual orientation within the workplace (Waite, 2015).
However, sexual minorities continue to remain marginalized within workplaces. Research
conducted by Yavorsky (2016), surrounding trans women and inequality within the workplace,
addresses:

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Ali / The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace
In cisgendered system that devalues trans and feminine statuses, open trans women report
that coworkers imposed unique constraints on their actions, limiting how trans women
could navi-gate the workplace without incurring a cis or gender-related penalty. Multiple
transwomen, with and without institutional authority, expressed constraints on how they
could enact authority and reported pressures to avoid being labeled a “bitch” or aggressive.
(p. 957)
Yavorsky’s (2016) research findings interpret how a heavily cis-gendered work environment can
create conflict within workplaces. Trans women are also reported to experience discriminatory
actions, gender-based stereotypes, and stigmatization (Yavorsky, 2016).
Literature by Willis (2011) also mentions how some young queer populations that work in
the labour market, are reportedly “negotiating the closet in social settings such as the school,
home, or public street can be a significant stressor for many young queer people who report
frequent encounters with homophobic abuse and bullying and heterosexist assumptions” (p. 959).
Experiences and feelings of marginalization for queer people within workplaces can contribute to
experiences of discrimination and abusive behaviours (Willis, 2011). This is why contemporary
literature surrounding the experiences of queer people, aim to deconstruct the oppression that the
queer community faces.
Canada’s ​Employment Equity Act​ (1995) emphasizes the measures taken to provide equal
employment opportunities for members of visible minorities within the workplace. The Act
underlines the goal of eliminating any potential barriers that may cause underrepresentation of
members of visible minorities. The Act emphasizes the duty of employers to uphold employment
equity by ensuring the following measures:

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Ali / The Experiences of Black LGBQ Canadians within the Workplace
(a) identifying and eliminating employment barriers against persons in designated groups
that result from the employer’s employment systems, policies and practices that are not
authorized by law; and
(b) instituting such positive policies and practices and making such reasonable
accommodations as will ensure that persons in designated groups achieve a degree of
representation in each occupational group in the employer’s workforce that reflects their
representation. (EEA, 1995)
All employers are expected to abide by the measures stated under Canada’s ​Employment Equity
Act (​ 1995). However, there is a significant gap in Canadian research literature on queer
employment outcomes and experiences (Waite et al., 2019). Specifically, Waite et al. (2019)
found
Few researchers have extended their analyses on LGBTQ2S+ identity to work and the
labour market. At the same time, the research that does exist also seems to focus on
particular segments of the LGBTQ2S+ community, i.e. gay men, lesbians and transgender
individuals. (p. 17)
There continues to be little to no research surrounding sexual minority employment outcomes in
Canada. Additionally, employment literature surrounding the queer community, addresses the
issue of wage gaps among marginalized groups such as queer community in Canada. Places like
Vancouver, Toronto, and Montreal are some of the largest areas where sexual minorities
experience wage gaps (Waite et al., 2019). The research literature on intersectionality suggests
that this is more likely due to the lack of research surrounding the employment experiences of
sexual minorities in Canada thereby, producing ongoing barriers (Waite et al., 2019). On the

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other hand, intersectionality theory underlines the lack of consideration to research regarding
intersectional barriers of employment concerning queer people (Waite et al., 2019).
Another prominent issue among members of the queer community within workplaces is
wage gaps. Issues of wage gaps are mostly seen in labour market type jobs, whereby wage gaps
are larger among sexual minorities. The previous research literature on sexuality and the labour
market found that “to date, there have only been a handful of Canadian studies exploring the
relationship between sexual orientation and labour market stratification. In one of the first
Canadian studies, Carpenter (2008) used the 2003 and 2005 Canadian Community Health Survey
(CCHS) and found that individuals self-identifying as gay had incomes that were 12% lower than
comparable heterosexual men, while lesbians had incomes that were 15% higher than similar
heterosexual women” (Waite et al., 2015, p. 115). These results demonstrate the inconsistent
earnings of individuals based on their sexual orientation. Contemporary literature establishes that
wage gaps within the labour market are not only by gender but also by sexual orientation (Waite
et al., 2019).
The research literature on the employment experiences of queer people demonstrates that
they are more susceptible to unequal treatment and underrepresentation within the workplace.
The experiences of queer individuals within the workplace are found to be accompanied by
challenges of converting workplaces into a queer-friendly environment. Baker and Lucas (2017)
found that even by enhancing the security and safety for all employees, queer people experience
some form of a threat towards their sexuality or gender identity within their workplace. This may
be due to the lack of consideration and documentation of discriminatory practices against an
employee's sexual identity within the workplace (Baker & Lucas, 2017). Another challenge that

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Baker and Lucas (2017) identify is the fact that no formal workplace policies are surrounding the
rights of queer employees. This can result in further mistreatment of queer employees and an
increase in microaggressions within the workplace. According to Baker and Lucas’s (2017)
description of microaggressions, specifically against queer people, they articulate the following:
A taxonomy of seven common sexual orientation-specific microaggressions: (a) use of
heterosexist and transphobic terminology (e.g., calling an LGBTQ employee a ‘faggot,’
‘dyke,’ or ‘tranny’); (b) endorsement of heteronormative or gender-normative
cultures/behaviours (e.g., implicit dress codes that align with birth sex); (c) assumption of
universal LGBTQ experiences (e.g., stereotyping lesbian women as being ‘butch’ or gay
men as being into fashion or design); (d) exoticization (e.g., asking explicit questions about
sex and genitalia); (e) discomfort/disapproval with LGBTQ experience (e.g., believing that
LGBTQ couples should not raise children); (f) denial of societal heterosexism or
transphobia (e.g., a co-worker telling an LGBTQ employee that they are being ‘overly
sensitive’ about discrimination); and (g) assumption of sexual pathology/abnormality (e.g.,
believing that all gay men have HIV/AIDS or are child molesters). (p. 134)
Workplace discrimination continues to be apparent in the experiences of the queer community
(Lloren & Parini, 2017). However, there has been some evidence suggesting that establishing
queer-supportive policies within workplaces could help to reduce sexual and gender
discrimination.

Experiences of Discrimination and Oppression

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Intersectionality theory supports anti-discrimination measures by emphasizing multiple forms of
discrimination and its effects on workers. A study by Mercat-Bruns (2017) explored issues of
equality and liberty through an intersectional lens. Research literature conducted by
Mercat-Bruns (2017), discusses how the single-ground approach does little to address the
discriminatory actions demonstrated against those with intersectional identities. Nevertheless,
there are some workers whereby, the anti-discrimination measures does not impose a burden on
workers that do not possess intersectional characteristics (Mercat-Bruns, 2017)​. By applying the
concept of intersectionality in the grounds for discrimination allows a far better representation of
equality among not only queer people but everyone.
The research literature underlines the complexities of understanding invisible stigmas that
surround members of the queer community. I refer to a previous study when thinking about the
stigmas associated with disclosing one’s sexual orientation within the workplace (Ragins et al.,
2007). The research found that “gay and lesbian workers have indicated that they fear a range of
negative repercussions to disclosure, from social isolation and ostracism to harassment, job loss,
and career derailment (Ragins et al., 2007). Similarly, Friskopp and Silverstein’s (1996) research
reports that “interviews of gay and lesbian workers have indicated that they fear a range of
negative repercussions to disclosure, from social isolation and ostracism to harassment, job loss,
and career derailment” (p. 156). This demonstrates the perpetual fear that many queer individuals
maintain to avoid discrimination and to have equal access to job opportunities. No one should
have to fear being oppressed within the workplace, especially when it comes to deciding whether
to disclose social identities.

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An intersectional approach suggests that “intersectional subordination does not necessarily
result from the intentional practices of systems and institutions but it’s frequently the
consequence of the imposition of one burden interacting with predisposing vulnerabilities to
create yet another dimension of disempowerment” (Lee & Brotman, 2013, p. 164). These barriers
that encompass many queer people’s lives are difficult to overcome because of systematic
structural oppression and violence.
Discrimination against one’s sexual orientation is a prominent matter among queer youth in
Canada (Almeida, 2009). Many queer adolescents are being stigmatized and viewed as a
minority due to their sexual identity. This is resulting in many queer students developing signs of
emotional distress, depression, and suicide concerning the level of discrimination they experience
surrounding sexual orientation (Almeida, 2009). Nevertheless, schools are attempting to increase
the promotion of diversity, equity, and inclusivity by advocating the impact of discrimination on
one’s sexual orientation amongst queer students. Tillapaugh (2016) reflects on the insights and
experiences of sexual minority men college students in Canada. The study draws upon an
intersectional approach that takes into account the inclusiveness of social identities such as race,
age, class, sexual orientation, gender. It also considers the medical and biological challenges of
intersex bodies, which is a commonly known matter amongst transgender individuals (Code,
2000). Tillapaugh’s (2016) research also highlights that “almost all of the participants shared
instances—ranging in severity—of discrimination and/or harassment that they had encountered
during college” (p. 99). These experiences of discrimination can often be retraumatizing for
queer people as it puts them in both an oppressive position and state of mind.

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Another form of oppressive behaviour encountered by members of the queer community is
heterosexist harassment. Experiences of university students who identify as sexual minorities
found frequent incidences of heterosexist harassment. Research conducted by Silverschanz et al.
(2008) on the incidences and impacts of heterosexist harassment, reports the following:
Results confirm that a sexual-minority identity is not a prerequisite for encountering
heterosexism, as nearly forty percent of heterosexual students reported some exposure to
HH (heterosexist harassment) during the previous year on campus. Though some of the HH
reported by heterosexuals may have been intended as “joking” or “kidding around,” other
factors may sometimes drive the behavior, including punishment of individuals who fail to
conform to rigid gender roles. (p. 187)
Disrespectful forms of communication increase heterosexist victimization. Heterosexist
harassment behaviour is the intersect between harassment and discrimination as it often
perpetuates negative social environments, mental health problems, stigmatization, anti-gay
behaviour, discrimination, and prejudices towards sexual minorities (Silverschanz et al., 2008).
Ultimately, heterosexist harassment is prohibited grounds of discrimination according to the
Canadian Human Rights Act (​ 1985) as it denies members of the queer community to identify as
nonhomosexual and permits any sort of nonhomosexual behaviour (Silverschanz et al., 2008).

Criminalization and Incarceration
Moreover, queer people are more likely to experience criminalization and incarceration because
of their sexual identity. For example, Miller’s (2013) research unveils that the majority of
Canadians in Ottawa are in support of queer rights to defend sexual minorities. Foreign Affairs

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Minister John Baird also mentions that “with respect to sexual minorities, we’ve focused on three
things. One, against the criminalization of sexual minorities, two, against violence, and three
against the death penalty -- and I think 99.9 percent of Canadians support us on those three
issues” (Miller, 2013, p. 1). Similarly, research surrounding women of colour, transgender, and
gender non-conforming people focuses on resilience, anti-prison movement, and alternatives to
imprisonment to challenge experiences of gender oppression (Sudbury, 2008). Likewise,
Sudbury’s (2008) study explains the following:
Nathaniel shared based on his experiences of advocacy work in Ontario prisons: [F]or trans
people depression and suicide, you can have really high risk factors for that when you’re
consistently being denied for who you are. When people take away your opportunity to have
self-determination which happens in many ways in prison, but can be so detrimental when
you’re a trans woman and you’re put in a men’s prison, and you’re denied your hormones
and you’re denied being called the name that you choose and you’re being called he all the
time. (p. 15)
This indicates that there is a sense of denial when it comes to providing medical care sexually
minoritized inmates. This experience also demonstrates the vulnerabilities of sexual violence that
women of colour, transgender, and gender non-conforming people experience within correctional
facilities (Ungar, 2000). Feminist theory strives to debunk the vulnerabilities associated with
sexual violence against queer people of colour (Ungar, 2000). It also reveals the practices of state
agencies such as police forces that inflict violence on queer people.

Stereotypes and Misconceptions

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The literature surrounding queer people indicate that historical oppression continues today in the
form of stereotypes and misconceptions. Research also indicates that this type of mistreatment,
which stems from stereotypes and misconceptions against queer people, is due to the lack of
communication, awareness, and education surrounding various sexual identities (Kosenko,
2008). An example of a misconception surrounding queer individuals, specifically transgender
people, is the notion that transgender people are living with HIV/AIDS (Kosenko, 2008). This
type of stigmatization increases the risks of transgender individuals developing mental health
issues such as depression, substance abuse, and high-risk behaviour (Kosenko, 2008).
Nevertheless, queer theory argues against such claims, emphasizing that “queer theories expand
the politics of location and decenter essentialist notions of gender, race, social class, sexual
orientation, and other hierarchical systems of oppression and privilege” (Goldberg & Allen,
2018, p. 180). This identifies and addresses the cultural insensitivity of those that are outside of
the queer community.
There also exist many stereotypes surrounding queer people who work in the sex trade
industry. Kosenko’s (2008) research explains how there is this belief that “the
hyper-sexualization and exotification of transgender individuals encouraged sex work in the
trans-community” (p. 61). This creates sexual stereotypes regarding transgender sex workers and
the matter of sexual objectification by members of the public (McKinnon, 2014). This captures
the need for further development of public knowledge around queer people, and the importance
of positive sexual communication (De Meyer et al., 2014). Research literature explains how
teaching adolescents positive sexual communication does contribute to gender equality attitudes
and positive experiences (De Meyer et al., 2014). Ultimately, conversations among adolescents

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on gender inequality, sexual behaviour, and positive sexual experiences have demonstrated a
positive influence on gender role attitudes (De Meyer et al., 2914).
Stereotypes and misconceptions surrounding those of the queer community continue to be
highly prevalent in contemporary society. One of the most common forms of stereotypes and
misconceptions is interpreted through disrespectful communication, which imposes social harm.
According to the research conducted by Baker and Lucas (2017) on the experiences of queer
individuals and their workplace, Baker and Lucus (2017) explain that
Slurs, off-colour jokes, name calling, disparaging remarks about gender and sexuality,
being the target of gossip, and ostracism were common. Some of the social harm was
inflicted indirectly, such as when employees would over hear people using gay-phobic
language (e.g., when a heterosexual customer defensively declared, “I’m not some sort of
fag”), when coworkers used terms like “dyke” or “homo” to dis-credit people regardless of
their sexual orientation, or lamenting that attractive men who are gay are “a waste”. (p.
137-38)
Disrespectful communication within a workplace creates an unsafe, insensitive, and inequality
environment for queer employees. It also shows how people get so accustomed to certain types
of disrespectful language, and often do not see the need to change the way they communicate to
others. On the other hand, queer theory argues the underrepresentation and a lack of queer
activism in academic projects (Rand, 2006), thus imposing restrictions on the representation of
queer people within the workplace.
Furthermore, research that incorporates queer theory and queer activism reflects on “queer
nation” which is stated as “an illustration of the way in which the relationship between activism

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and academia is often figured by queer theorists. For example, discussing the new kinds of
identities or communities that might be described as “queer,” Lisa Duggan turns to the comments
of several members of Queer Nation in order to work through the contradictions that are
embodied in queerness” (Rand, 2006, p. 6). Queer Nation not only conveys the public
representation of queer activism and social change but also incorporates the notion of
intersectionality as it promotes the wellness of queer folks and other sexual identities and gender
identities.

Conclusion
Part one of the literature review examined the literature encompassing the lived experiences of
Black people throughout history and today. The literature around Black people examine their
historical experiences, habitual experiences, experiences discrimination, stereotypes and
misconceptions, experiences of criminalization and incarceration, experiences of oppression, and
experiences of employment have incorporated some form of oppression. A fair amount of the
literature involving the experiences of Black people capture experiences of marginalization and
systematic mistreatment. This is due to the perpetual stigmatization around Black people, and
also a key finding in this literature review. Another key finding and limitation found in the
research literature on the lived experiences of Black people is the limited incorporation of
specific gender-based experiences. Also, the majority of literature examining the experiences
Black people did not reveal the formal interview-based dialogue between the researcher(s) and
participant(s), which could have enhanced the overall understanding and representation of the
literature. I believe that the integration of theoretical debates helps to argue the significance of

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not only this research project but the lived experiences of Black people. Theoretical debates and
an anti-oppressive approach will help to address the necessity for social change to better support
the needs of Black people and their societal experiences. Nevertheless, this literature review
reveals the gaps in literature surrounding the lived experiences of Black people in both American
and Canadian contexts.
Part two of this literature focused on queer people’s experiences of employment,
discrimination and oppression, experiences of criminalization and incarceration, and stereotypes
and misconceptions. The literature surrounding the experiences of the queer community is
heavily entrenched in historical and contemporary representations of marginalization. The
literature addresses the different types of circumstances that members of the queer community
experience on a regular basis. It also conveys the distress of disclosing one’s sexual orientation
or gender identity within the workplace. The literature explains the implications for individuals
who disclose their sexual orientation or gender identity in work environments and having to deal
with potential wage gaps, limited opportunities to grow within a workplace, and a lack of
inclusivity for members of the queer community. These experiences can be oppressive,
dehumanizing, and retraumatizing for sexual minorities. Contemporary literature surrounding the
queer community fails to provide sufficient information on specific experiences of sexual
minorities. There is a need for further research to be conducted in the queer community. Some of
the major gaps in queer literature transpire through the lack of research on the lived experiences
of queer people. My research will address gaps such as; lack of consideration and specification of
queer rights in the official documentation of the ​Canadian Human Rights Act (​ 1985). In addition
to the lack of research concerning wage gaps between cisgender people and queer people within

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workplaces. As well as identifying the lack of Canadian literature surrounding the lived
experiences of queer people. This limitation creates social barriers for queer people working in
the labour market and/or service sector.
The literature that encompasses the experiences of Black LGBTQ people are experiences
of oppression and marginalization. After examining the literature surrounding the experiences of
Black LGBTQ people, I have found that there is a limited amount of literature on the experiences
of LGBTQ people of colour. This finding in itself demonstrates the underrepresentation and lack
of acknowledgment of LGBTQ people of colour. It also underlines the lack of advancement
towards developing ways to create social change and positive representation of different social
groups within the workplace. Findings from the literature also highlights the legislative
documents that intend to represent the rights of members of the LGBTQ community and those of
visible minorities. However, research conducted by Edna Bonacich (1972), Baker and Lucas
(2017), and Waite et al. (2019) demonstrate the ongoing forms of oppression towards Black
LGBTQ people within the workplace. Nevertheless, the major gaps in the literature surrounding
the experiences of Black LGBTQ people is the lack of representation in workplaces. This
limitation creates social barriers for Black LGBTQ people, especially for those working in the
labour market or service sector.

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CHAPTER 3: Methods
Chapter Summary
In this chapter, I will outline my research methods by explaining the research design, participant
recruitment, data collection, data analysis, and ethical considerations process. The research
methods of this study that sought to answer the research question: What are the experiences of
Black LGBQ Canadians in workplaces within the service sector and the labour market?

Research Design
Conducting qualitative semi-structured interviews was the best method for this project because it
allowed for topics and issues relevant to the research to be discussed in more depth (Qu &
Dumay, 2011). This generated authenticity into the conversation between the interviewer and
interviewee. Because semi-structured interviews allowed the interviewer to tailor questions to the
research topic, it enabled the participant to answer the question however they wanted with
relevance to the research topic (Irvine et al., 2013). Semi-structured interviews also provided a
greater perspective on the lived experiences of research participants. This research benefited
from some of the key characteristics of qualitative research interviews, such as rapport and
naturalness, meaning and comprehension, monitoring responses and emotions, interest and
attention, and interview duration (Irvine et al., 2013). Conducting semi-structured interviews did
not only provide an insight into others' experiences but a chance at a greater understanding of the
context, including emotions and responses (Creswell & Poth, 2018). It created an opportunity to
collect a broad range of data, as well as different perspectives, opinions, and interpretations of
the sample. By capturing specific details and features throughout each interview process was one

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way to generate authenticity for this research. The characteristics and key features of qualitative
research interviews also contributed to the overall critical understanding of participants’
narratives and accounts within the workplace. Participants’ narratives and accounts found in
semi-structured interviews had a significant amount of value because they exposed personal
experiences. These experiences were critically analyzed with the support of the theoretical
framework and the literature review of this research.

Participant Recruitment
The inclusion criteria to participate in this research project was the following: participants were
required to identify as either Black, African, or Caribbean, participants were required to also
identify as LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or queer), participants were required to
be 18 years of age or older, participants were required to have experience working in a service
sector or labour market workplace, participants were required to reside within the Lower
Mainland, participants needed to speak English. The exclusion criteria regarding participant
recruitment underline the following: individuals who were under 18 years of age, individuals
who did not personally identify as either Black, African, or Caribbean, who did not identify as
LGBTQ, who did not reside within the Lower Mainland, and that did not speak English. The
rationale for the recruitment criteria was to remain authentic as possible to adequately represent
the sample of interest.
The sampling approaches to this research project included convenience sampling and
snowball sampling. Convenience sampling supports participant recruitment because it saves time
and money at the expense of reliable information (Creswell & Poth, 2018). Convenience

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sampling is also a type of sampling method that incorporates non-probability sampling that
allows the researcher to select participants from a specific population to acquire a sample with
ease. This research intended to incorporate the use of snowball sampling, which is a sampling
method that seeks to recruit participants through the interest of others and people who know
people (Creswell & Poth, 2018). These sampling approaches were the most ideal for this type of
research as it focused more on individual experiences in a broader context. However, participants
were recruited through convenience sampling. The recruitment process was solely through social
media platforms.
I intended to recruit 5-8 participants for this research. Given the limited timeframe for the
Honours program, we stopped recruitment at 4 participants. This research also included Black
trans folks in the recruitment process. However, I was not presented with any participants of
interest. Also, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the recruitment and interview process of this
research was disrupted. One interview was conducted in-person and the other 3 interviews were
conducted via telephone and ranged from 45 to 60 minutes.
I incorporated a recruitment process by hanging several posters in and around Kwantlen
Polytechnic University campuses, town centres, grocery stores, and coffee shops, libraries,
community organizations, and community centres. The poster has an email address where the
co-investigator and principal investigator could be reached to arrange an interview. I also
recruited participants through various social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram.
The research poster was posted on the co-investigator’s Facebook and Instagram page. The
research poster was also posted on the social media pages of Burnaby Pride, Pride Collective
UBC, and ProChoices. I also reached out to organizations such as Black Lives Matter

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Vancouver, Burnaby Pride, CampOut!, Capilano University, Fraser Valley Regional Library,
MOSAIC, North Shore Women’s Centre, Pride Collective of UBC, Prism Services, ProChoices,
QMUNITY, TransCareBC, TransRightsBC, Vancouver Pride Society, Whistler Library.

Data Collection
During participant recruitment, the Government of British Columbia declared COVID-19 to be a
public health emergency. For these reasons, the KPU REB issued the directive that all research
involving face-to-face recruitment or data collection methods must transition to physically
distanced methods. Therefore, the interview process had to be altered from in-person interviews
to interviews via telephone. In response to KPU’s REB directive, I sent in an amendment to KPU
REB to grant permission for the participant informed consent form to be adjusted to include
interviews via telephone rather than in-person. The research was granted permission to move
forward with conducting interviews via telephone while maintaining KPU REB guidelines. None
of the participants withdrew from the research at any point during the study.
I contacted participants by email briefly explaining the project and asking them to partake
in a semi-structured interview via telephone (ranging between 45 minutes to an hour). If the
participant responded to the email with interest in participating in the interview, they were then
provided with a more in-depth explanation of the project and a formal letter of invitation as well
as a copy of the informed consent form. In the formal letter of invitation that participants
received via email, they were provided with a copy of the informed consent to review, sign, and
hand back to me along with any possible questions regarding the study. I provided my signature

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on the consent form and mailed it back to the participant along with the $30 Amazon gift card via
post.
I collected data for this research project by conducting 4 qualitative, semi-structured
interviews over the phone. One of the interviews was conducted in the participant’s location of
interest, which was Kwantlen Polytechnic University’s library. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic,
the KPU REB issued the directive that all research involving face-to-face recruitment or data
collection methods must transition to distanced methods.
The interviews took place from January 2020 to March 2020. The language that was used
amongst research participants was English. All interviews were audio-recorded with the
participant’s permission. Each research participant was interviewed once. The interviews ranged
from 45 to 60 minutes. The data collected from participant interviews were audio-recorded with a
tape recorder alongside handwritten notes. The semi-structured interviews were guided by an
interview guide (Appendix B) (Arrington-Sanders et al., 2015) developed with the principal
investigator.

Data Analysis
Theoretical debates such as intersectionality helped to analyze the overlapping intersect of
various social identities. Intersectionality contributed to analyzing social problems, practices, and
policies to encourage a better representation and understanding of the LGBQ community within
the workplace (Furman et al., 2018). It also helped to validate the experiences of discrimination
and exclusion of LGBQ people to develop awareness and inclusion (Furman et al., 2018).

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This research incorporated both exploratory and explanatory forms of data analysis.
Exploratory data analysis analyzes a set of data to compile a list of key characteristics that
emerge from the data (Reid et al., 2017). Ultimately, exploratory data analysis helps to cultivate a
pattern amongst the data collected. Explanatory data analysis assists in identifying one or two
main findings amongst the data (Reid et al., 2017). Explanatory data analysis also provides the
public with evidence-based research to better inform people of current issues that affect
marginalized populations (Reid et al., 2017).
Each interview’s audio recording was transcribed by using desktop transcription software.
The data collected from each participant interview was then analyzed by listening to the audio
recording of the interview session multiple times. In addition to reading each interview transcript
several times, to analyze each interview adequately, a two-step coding process (open-coding and
closed-coding) (Reid et al., 2017) was used to transcribe each interview. Each interview
transcript was then coded according to specific labels such as words, concepts, work experiences,
personal experiences, education, and processes to help better organize and understand the data.
The codes throughout each participant interview were the same. Interview codes and descriptive
codes were logged on a spreadsheet. I highlighted any key findings and connections to the
literature for this research (Baker & Lucas, 2017). This two-step coding process allowed us to
analyze coded sections of each interview transcript to highlight specific themes that emerged
from the data (Reid et al., 2017). The themes included racism within the workplace, inequity in
promotions and uncertainty within the workplace, supervisors and responses to racism within the
workplace, and relationships with colleagues and supervisors within the workplace.

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By coding data, I was able to reduce large amounts of information, which allowed the
overall research to be clear and cohesive (Singh, 2013). I also analyzed data by comparing
common and uncommon characteristics between the personal accounts of research participants.
By analyzing the data in these ways, I was able to examine potential patterns that emerged from
participant data. Through these methods of research analysis, we were able to recognize some of
the similarities and differences among the research participants. Some of the similarities that
emerged from the data were aspects such as racism within the workplace. This was demonstrated
through racial microaggressions and hostile behaviours. One of the main differences that
emerged from the data were aspects such as, the variation of unionized positions among
participants. The theoretical framework and literature review both draw on the concept of
intersectionality. Intersectionality explained the key themes that emerged throughout the research
analysis process, as well as the patterns that developed from those themes.
The data collected from this research helps to answer the research question as it provided
an understanding of the research participants’ thoughts and feelings. The data collected from this
research allowed us to examine potential patterns that emerged from the data collected. The data
also helped to interpret the meaning behind people's experiences within workplaces. It also
provided further insight into the lives of Black LGBQ people, which support the development of
social change, especially in workplaces within the service sector and the labour market. The data
collected from this research can inspire potential policy alterations and implementations within
workplaces. It also provides easier access to others who may be curious about examining the
lived experiences of Black LGBQ people.

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Ethical Consideration
This was a minimal risk research project. While participants in this study may have been
vulnerable to negative health outcomes and discrimination in the context of this research project,
they were not vulnerable to risks beyond what they encounter in their daily encounters. This
research took into account four main ethical challenges when it came to conducting research
involving human participants, which included maintaining confidentiality and voluntariness,
avoiding retraumatization, and data security.

Confidentiality and Voluntariness
This research maintained participant confidentiality, which retained a safe space for research
participants and helped to build a sense of rapport. Kwantlen Polytechnic University Research
Ethics Board (KPU REB) outline the procedures to maintaining participant confidentiality by
explaining, “indication of what information will be collected about participants and for what
purposes; indication of who will have access to information collected about the identity of
participants, a description of how confidentiality will be protected, a description of the
anticipated uses of data; and information indicating who may have a duty to disclose information
collected, and to whom such disclosures could be made” (2012, p. 6). KPU REB established
step-by-step measures on how participants’ confidentiality will be maintained through the
research process. Confidentiality was a key aspect of conducting ethical research to reduce
potential harm to the research participants (Surmiak, 2019). When working with vulnerable
groups, research members must maintain confidentiality as it prevents the risk of harm towards
participants. The specific steps that were taken to ensure participant confidentiality was the

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informed consent form and securing all electronic copies from each participant interview on a
password protected computer in my home office. This allowed only the principal investigator and
co-investigator to access participant information.
Three of the interviews were conducted via telephone while I remained in a private room to
ensure participant confidentiality. I also informed participants to find a private room for the
interview to ensure participant confidentiality. Before scheduling an interview, I sent the
participant two copies of the informed consent form to sign through email or mail. The
participant was required to sign both copies of the informed consent forms, returning one sign
copy to me for my records, while keeping the other signed copy for the participant’s records. I
followed up and checked in with the principal investigator. There were several factors to consider
when determining the best place for the interview to take place: convenience, accessibility, and
the safety and comfort of both the participant and I as well as the need for a degree of privacy
(not being overheard by a third party during the interview) (Creswell & Poth, 2018). I then
emailed the participant to schedule a date and time for the interview. I informed the principal
investigator of the interview details, such as date, time, and location.
This research also maintained participant voluntariness by both verbally informing
participants as well as ensuring each participant signed an informed consent form. Before
participants’ signed off on the informed consent form, they were made aware of their right to
request to withdraw from the study at any time. KPU REB outlines the procedures to maintain
participant voluntariness by explaining how “free and informed consent must be voluntarily
given, without manipulation, undue influence or coercion” (2012, p. 5). KPU REB addresses the
requirements to obtain voluntary consent from participants. Participants’ were informed that not

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participating in this research will not have any negative consequences. These requirements
allowed for participants to be well-informed of their role as a participant in this research project.

Retraumatization
This research also took into account the importance of avoiding participant retraumatization by
incorporating questions that were related to the research topic, and not questions that coerced
participants to discuss traumatic experiences. The purpose of avoiding participant
retraumatization was because I was highly aware of the historical and contemporary oppression
of Black LGBQ people. The objective of this research was to foster individual empowerment
among participants rather than retraumatizing them. This research did not intend to go into depth
on participant’s past experiences outside of the workplace; rather the past experiences of
participants provide further context into the lived experiences of Black LGBQ people. Research
conducted by Cutcliffe and Ramcharan’s (2016) address that “one contemporary view, tied very
much to prior judgments of the ethics of qualitative research, is that the research interview has
the potential to retraumatize the participant. As such, the potential risks appear to be inherent in
the interview process, and the benefits exist largely for the wider population and much less for
the interviewees'' (p. 1002-1003). Nevertheless, I managed to avoid potential risks by providing a
list of supportive resources to research participants, if needed.

Data Security
All data and information collected from participants were only accessible to the researcher and
primary investigator. Participant identity and information were kept confidential in a number of

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ways, which included, ensuring that both the participant and I signed two copies of the informed
consent form. Whereby, one copy was given to the participant for their records and the second
copy was for the research team. Another way that participant information was kept safe was by
using password protected computers when transfering files. As well as securely deleting each file
from the handheld audio-recorder once they had been transferred onto the password protected
computer.
All data collected throughout each interview was recorded on spreadsheets to organize the
data. Interviews were transcribed and the transcriptions were spreadsheets that had all the
identifying information. These spreadsheets were securely deleted once they held no further
value to the project. The primary form of security concerning participant data was protected by
the informed consent form or the alternative method of informed consent (via email) to ensure
full protection of all participants’ identities. Emails regarding participants’ identity, information,
and consent were kept confidential by communicating with participants through my password
protected KPU email account. Participants’ emails were kept in a separate folder in my KPU
email account.
The data collected throughout the interview process was protected and kept in the office of
the principal investigator. The co-investigator maintained three copies of all data collected from
the four interviews, which were two copies on two different portable memory sticks and one
electronic file copy. These copies of data were stored in a locked cabinet for further reassurance
of participant confidentiality. Participants were made aware of how data was collected, stored,
and destroyed. The data collected throughout each interview process will be kept up to a year
before it is destroyed. Data collected from each interview, including audio recordings,

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handwritten notes, and electronic notes and physical files were destroyed by wiping all data from
memory sticks and shredding any physical files to sustain the confidentiality of all research
participants.
Participants agreed to have their interviews audio recorded. I used a handheld recorder to
create the audio file. The file was then transferred from the recording device to my password
protected personal computer as soon as possible and following that the recording was deleted
from the handheld device. The audio files were shared with the principal investigator via a
password protected USB. The audio files were then transferred to the principal investigator's
password protected computer and were kept there until the principal investigators deemed the
transcriptions of them were accurate following which the files were then deleted from both the
principal investigator and my computer. Other electronic data (typed transcripts) were kept on a
personal password protected computer. These files were shared with the principal investigator
using a password protected USB and were transferred indefinitely to the principal investigator's
password protected computer in their locked office, which was disposed of once the principal
investigator deemed them to have no further value to the research project. The principal
investigator will retain copies of the electronic copies of the interview transcripts for one year
(following the completion of the project). These transcript files were kept and stored in a
password protected KPU office computer. After a year, these files will be securely deleted by the
principal investigator.

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CHAPTER 4: Results
Chapter Summary
Key themes were identified through the analysis of the data collected in this study. The 4 key
themes that emerged from the research are 1) racism within the workplace, 2) inequity in
promotions and opportunities within the workplace, 3) supervisors and responses to racism
within the workplace and 4) relationships with colleagues and supervisors within the workplace.
Each key theme is supported by various participant experiences within workplaces in the Lower
Mainland. In this chapter, I will outline each theme and give examples from the data that support
the theme. In this chapter, I will present the findings of the research question, what are the
experiences of Black LGBQ people within the workplace? I will begin by outlining the
socio-demographics of participants.

Socio-demographics
There were 4 participants in this study: 1 cisgender Black man and 3 cisgender Black women.
The participants’ identified their sexualities as either lesbian, gay, or bisexual. This research was
open to both Black cisgender and Black transgender (trans) individuals. However, no trans
participants were recruited for this study. Participants ranged in age from 33 to 60+ years of age.
Three out of the 4 participants had a partner, and 1 of the 4 participants had multiple partners.
Two of the women had children and all participants had either a college or university education.
While participants were found to have worked in different employment sectors (e.g., childcare,
educational services, health care, non-profit organizations, sales and retail, and transportation), 3
currently worked in a unionized position. Employment position types varied among participants

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(e.g., part-time, full-time, temporary, and contract). The number of hours worked within
participants' current workplace range from 6 hours to 40+ hours per week.

Racism within the Workplace
Experiences of racism were found to be the most prominent findings in participants’ workplace
dynamics; however, these experiences varied between each participant. Participants’ experiences
of racism within different work environments also varied in levels of intensity. These levels of
intensity related to racism ranged from displaying subtle forms of racism to hostile forms of
racism.
This research found that racism was a much more powerful and damaging finding.
Experiences of racism were prominent amongst the women (participants 1, 3, and 4). The
findings of this research demonstrate the intersectional experiences between Black women and
Black men. The experiences for Black women were vastly different due to factors related to
health, gender, and appearance. Whereas, the experiences of the Black man were more focused
on workplace relationships and homophobia. Black women’s experiences with racism are much
more prominent than their experiences with homophobia. Therefore, participants' work
experiences are impacted by racism much more than homophobia. Intersectionality will largely
support the findings that emerge from this research. It will also be used to help analyze key
components of data to compare the experiences of Black women and Black men.
One way participants’ experiences of racism were demonstrated was through racial
microaggressions within the workplace. For example, participant 1 discussed how they

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experienced hostility and racial microaggressions from other colleagues in a previous workplace.
They explained a situation that had occurred within the workplace:
A coworker, uh at one of the clothing stores I worked at who uh, decided one day that she
was going to start saying the N word, just like down the hall. And someone else said, like,
“hey, don't say that because, you know, she might hear you. And I'm like, “it's not really
about whether or not I'm here to hear that. Like, that's inappropriate and disgusting. And
like there are other people of colour that work here”. (Participant 1, Black lesbian)
Participant 1 also mentioned another situation that occurred within a previous workplace:
I think probably the example where I had that coworker who decided to start speaking and
we're all over the place uhm is probably the biggest example. Uhm the same person. At one
point notices quite a few years ago, but had posted a picture on her Facebook of like herself
and two of our other mutual coworkers and uh tagged them as like, “oh, just me and my
Aryan friends having fun” or whatever. And I was like, hold up. What? Like, why are you
calling yourselves white supremacists? And then there was this whole thing of like, “I’m
not calling myself a white supremacist”. And like, “you don't know what Aryan means,
though. Like you should probably look that up”. And then, like, her mom jumped on the
thread and I was like, what's going on? And it ended up spilling out into the workplace.
Uhm, because the retail industry has a policy where basically, social media is considered
part of the workplace. And because all of the people involved are all coworkers, they were
like, “this is…” . . . Yeah. So it's kind of like, no, this is affecting the workplace. And, uhm,
you know, it ended up being a conversation with managers which turned into uhm this
person, getting very upset at me, having to apologize for upsetting them, which is always

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how it goes. So like I ended up leaving that job not entirely because of this instance, but it
was a huge motivation to get out of there when I did. And it was probably the first example
of like something getting escalated to the point where I had to go to management. Uhm,
and then the results being like. Sort of dismissed being like, you know, you're being too
harsh on her. Like she doesn't know any better and you're like, “yeah, but me and the other
coworkers of colour find this really inappropriate”. And like…Yeah. And a lot of those
people had approached me, like outside of work and like, “hey, like, thanks for speaking
up”. So there's definitely like things I think that don't ever get addressed that people are
definitely feeling. But yeah, that's probably the biggest. And I'm sure that sort of stuff
happens all the time. And I just don't see it like. (Participant 1, Black lesbian)
Additionally, participant 1 explained how people would express racial microaggressions within
previous workplaces:
I’ve had a weird, a couple weird interactions [with customers], so I have a bit of like
scarring on my arms and stuff, and because I have melanin in my skin, they show up
differently than it would on a White person. And so I've had people comment on my scars
before. And to me, that's kind of like, what? Like, why are you? Yeah. So people are kind
of like I mean, it's always white people. And so they'll be like, what happened? Or
whatever. And I'm like, “it's because I have melanin in my skin that they're showing up this
way like it's fine” and they have super awkward or whatever. Or like, I'll make up some
excuse but, uhm, or people will uhm. I mean you get the, “where are you from” question all
the time from customers. (Participant 1, Black lesbian)

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Participant 1’s experiences with colleagues demonstrating hostility and racial microaggressions
indicate consistent forms of racism within workplaces. These experiences of racism contribute to
participants’ feelings of uncertainty and lack of safety within the workplace.
Similarly, participant 4 explained one of her experiences of racism within the workplace.
She explained how she was hired as a social worker within a mental health facility. Participant 4
and her supervisor at the time, were assigned to a couple who came in for a couples counselling
session. Participant 4 mentioned how she was confronted by her supervisor after the session
concerning the couple’s request to not work with a Black person:
So I came in. He didn't seem to notice that they wouldn't talk to him or ask my questions.
Talk to me. Sorry. They wouldn’t talk to me. They I would ask the question. They would
look at him. They would ignore me. They would answer it like he just didn't notice that
they would not talk to me. And then after the session, they said, um, well, we. So after the
session. They I guess they called in or they came in the next day or something. And they
they went to him and they said, we will not have the Black counselor. (Participant 4, Black
bisexual woman)
Participants 1 and 4 expressed that these experiences concerning racism and microaggressions
within workplaces had an impact on their sense of safety and mental wellbeing. For example,
participant 4 explained the mental and physical repercussions of working in high-stressed related
job roles and workplaces. Participant 4 discussed the development of her chronic illness and how
it was related to racism:
It’s a weird illness . . . it’s kind of an immune thing. It’s almost like overprotection. Uh. So.
And Black racialized people, Black women get it quite a bit. It’s like long, long term stress.

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There are certain illnesses that Black women get [laughter] for a lot over long term. So I
have no idea how much time I have on the planet because of it. (Participant 4, Black
bisexual woman)
Participant 4’s experience demonstrates how hostility was directed towards an individual’s racial
identity within the workplace. Participant 4’s experience with developing a stress-related chronic
illness was due to ongoing matters of racial microaggressions and subordination within the
workplace. Critical race theory supports this finding and underlines the ongoing
microaggressions and racial discourses experienced by Black people (Solorzano et al., 2000), and
this will be discussed in more detail in the next chapter.
The experiences of racism within participants 3’s current workplace within the childcare
industry were not discussed. However, participant 3 mentioned that she experienced various
forms of racism in previous non-profit workplaces. For example, she explained:
Most other workplaces are super racist. [laughter] Like I feel like I’m in a really lucky
situation, right now, but like, that’s not the normal experience I’ve had. [laughter]. . . Yeah.
And it wasn’t me, just me. It was like, there’s like a fairly long history of like anti-Black
racism there. Um, and yeah, so like, yeah, I don’t know what to say about that. (Participant
3, Black bisexual).
Participant 3’s experiences with racism within previous workplaces were highly apparent.
Experiences of racism were exhibited through hostile behaviour and racialization directed
towards Black people. Participant 3’s example of racism within previous workplaces also
establishes that she had witnessed several incidents of hostile behaviour and racialization
directed towards Black colleagues.

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The findings of this research indicate that experiences of racism within the workplace were
most prominent among women (participants 1, 3, and 4). Participant 2, the Black gay man, on the
other hand, explained that he had not experienced racism within the workplace but had
experienced homophobia within his current workplace. Participant 1, 3, and 4’s experiences with
racism in the workplace were mainly exhibited through hostile behaviour and racial
microaggressions. These experiences of racism within the workplace contributes to the
normalization of discriminatory behaviour towards Black people.
Black lesbian and bisexual women’s experiences demonstrated some examples of racist
microaggressions in the workplace. Intersectionality validates participant 1’s experiences related
to racism within the workplace and can be used to unveil the discriminatory actions and unequal
measures against Black women (Mercat-Bruns, 2017). It addresses that Black women’s
experiences in the workplace are shaped by their social positions. Intersectionality would
understand that Black women in the workplace are often targets of discriminatory behaviour.
Participant 1’s experiences demonstrate how people with intersectional identities continuously
fear being oppressed within the workplace.

Inequity in Promotions and Opportunities within the Workplace
This research project found that participants’ experienced inequity in promotions and
opportunities within the workplace. Black lesbian and bisexual women were denied promotions
and opportunities in their workplaces and reported discriminated based on their racial and gender
identities. This impacts Black lesbian and bisexual women’s chances of being presented with
equitable promotions and opportunities within the workplace.

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Participants stated that they preferred to be employed under union because it provided them
with a sense of job security. This was because participants have experienced uncertainty in the
longevity of their job roles. This research found that participants' choices in unionized
workplaces were also because of the limited amount of stress associated with the job role. For
example, participant 1 explained the challenges regarding the precariousness of their current
position. Participant 1 described working within the transportation industry for a year and a half
but in 3-month chunks. Because of participant 1’s temporary employment position, they have not
been guaranteed the job position. This uncertainty created anxiety and stress for participant 1, as
she did not know whether she would have to look for another job in 3 months. She mentioned
that although her current temporary job role is stressful regarding the precariousness, it is not as
stressful as previous workplaces. Participant 1 also explained how previous workplaces were
more fun but provoked stress because the job did not pay well. Participant 1 explained that “the
main stress from this job is definitely like the precariousness of it, but the work itself is fairly
neutral” (Participant 1, Black lesbian). Likewise, participant 1 expressed that their level of stress
has the potential to be impacted by how stressful their day ends up being. These findings
demonstrate the uncertainty and lack of safety that participant 1’s temporary job role provides. It
also demonstrates how stressful positions are within the service sector and the labour market.
Additionally, participants 1 and 4 talk about how they were denied opportunities rather
than being presented with opportunities. Participants 1 and 4 were not presented with
opportunities as often as their White male colleagues. Participant 4 explained witnessing a
colleague who was a White man with less experience than herself, be promoted fairly quick
within the workplace:

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The organization I work for right now, I started with a guy, White guy, good looking guy,
charming, nice, good looking guy. . . There were 40 of us who started together. He is in a
directorial position in two and a half years. He was moved up to a directorial position in
this organization and the racialised women are still front line here, again, here I am with
this much experience decades and decades, and 4 degrees or whatever. Granted now I'm
kind of choosing to stay there. But even even a scooter or even a unionized supervisor
position, I don't. I can't get. (Participant 4, Black bisexual woman)
Participants 4’s experience revealed the structural oppression that Black lesbian and bisexual
women continue to face in comparison to their male colleagues within the workplace. The
research literature supports this finding that Black women are subjected to discrimination within
the workplace due to racial and gender disparities (Mensah, 2002). Participant 4 also explained
the concept of aversive racism through workplace experiences and the tendency to hire White
people. The participant further explains the justification of unionized workplaces when hiring
White people:
That’s what happens with union stuff, is that when you have criteria that kind of match,
right. Where you can kind of say, “well, you know, we need, you know, the seniority. But
there’s this and there’s that. And there’s this. They’ll find a way to justify the White person
position. But they’ll. It It’s something that you can’t really argue with. And they don't
realize until you step back and do the big aggregate measure to say, do you realize that
you've hired this many White people? The ratio is this. But most people don't know that,
right. They just are looking at each individual interaction and they don't realize that. Until

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you step back and do the big number there. They think they're just in each case being
reasonable. So, yeah, that's what aversive racism is. (Participant 4, Black bisexual woman)
Participant 4’s experience demonstrates the imbalance of equity within the workplace with
relevance to race. This example also revealed the lack of recognition regarding the ongoing
hiring pattern seen within unionized workplaces.
Participant 4 also discussed how she is unlikely to obtain or maintain a supervisor position
within the workplace due to the precariousness of these types of positions:
I don’t want to do management type of positions because it’s too precarious for me. . . . I
just know what will happen, it doesn’t matter how. It doesn’t matter how nice I try to be.
[laughter] It’s just it. I just know it’ll happen. So. So given that so if we put aside that I
would like more power [laughter] and won’t have chosen to not seek it. Um. And more
money, right. Um, then, I love that I can, you know, go to work and. Uh. Get into deeply
into uh whatever it is I'm developing or doing and then leave it at work because it's not my
responsibility when I go home, even when I try to have more responsibility, it's always no,
that person can do more. But you can't. [laughter] You know, there's a lot of that.
(Participant 4, Black bisexual woman)
Because of the precariousness in some participants' workplaces, they did not tend to remain in
job roles for a long period. The inconsistency of these job roles, the demands, and the overall
treatment they endure within workplaces eventually forced participants to seek other forms of
work. One of the research questions for this study was, how are Black lesbian, gay, bisexual, and
queer people represented within the workplace? Black lesbian and bisexual women were highly
underrepresented within their workplaces. The findings of this research indicate that the

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underrepresentation of Black lesbian and bisexual women made them more susceptible to
mistreatment or discriminatory behaviour.
On the other hand, participant 1 discussed the restraints of their current temporary job role
and the reasons why they were unable to receive equitable promotions and opportunities within
the workplace:
I definitely feel like a little clerk in the corner that just does her thing, which in some ways
I don't mind because nobody's bothering me or like, you know, I can just do my own thing.
But I also often feel like, uhm, you know. Like I feel like I'm like I have a lot more
knowledge, I have a lot more skills, I have a lot more than I could contribute to a
workplace. Not necessarily this particular one, but it's weird to be kind of positioned at the
bottom of the totem pole when in inside you’re like, I'm worth more than this. Like I'm
more valuable to this workplace that I do appreciate working for. Like, I like working for
the transportation industry. . . But, uhm, being at that kind of like, bottom level can be a
little bit harsh because people kind of dismiss you. (Participant 1, Black lesbian)
These findings indicate how participants did not receive equitable promotions and opportunities
due to the structural inequities within the workplace. Participant 1’s experience also demonstrates
how they were more likely to be dismissed within the workplace due to their temporary position.
Participant 1 also explained her experiences surrounding internal recruitment and the imbalance
inequity within the workplace:
One thing that I find really interesting in my current position is like, you know, I just sort
of joined the company. I realized that I’m like at the bottom of the totem pole like trying to
maybe find my way up and whatever. And uhm they had advertisements, which is

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interesting. And I sort of see this coming up a lot uh. These like diversity and inclusion like
initiatives or something. So like, “oh, we’re hiring a manager to run our diversity and
inclusion and equity program, whatever it may. You know, if I'm looking at the job board
or whatever it is company wide. Right. And it'll be like, “oh, one hundred and thirty K a
year”. And you're like, “oh, hell yes!”. . . I have a degree in Anthropology. And I'm also a
queer person of colour. I have a pretty good like. Yeah. Life experience and like pretty
solid knowledge about these things like that to me is like a position that I could be well
suited for with maybe a little bit of extra training, whatever. But like, uhm, I just think it's
interesting a lot of times where they start these initiatives or like in a lot of job applications,
you'll see like, “we're an equal opportunity employer”. You know, you should definitely it's
like they don't actually take that into consideration when they're hiring like they put it on
the application, but like they never ask on the application, like, are you a visible minority
or do you identify as gay? So it's like if you are trying to make your workplace more
equitable. You're not actually even asking the questions to be able to monitor that?
(Participant 1, Black lesbian).
Participant 1’s experience illustrates the challenges surrounding their temporary employment
position as well as the lack of recognition towards marginalized groups within the workplace.
These findings also revealed how workplaces that were known to be equal opportunity employers
did not incorporate proper workplace measures to ensure equal opportunities for applicants and
employees.
Participant 2, on the other hand, mentioned how his opinion and judgement was valued in
his workplace where he works as head of department,

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I am uh department head so that involves some responsibility and some uh aptitude to have
my voice heard. It means that the others in the department uhm value my opinion and my
judgment on things. Uhm And so it’s a consensus based decision making model but there
are times where you have to uh to be a little bit more executive and uh make some
decisions. Uhm, and so I’m comfortable doing that. And I consult with my colleagues
whenever I’m unsure about a decision. And uhm sometimes they disagree. And that’s fine.
We talk through our disagreements. (Participant 2, Black gay man)
Participant 2’s experience as a department head within the educational system demonstrates the
difference in experiences between Black gay men and Black lesbian and bisexual women.
Participant 2 is a Black gay man who obtained an equitable promotion within his workplace in
comparison to the Black lesbian and bisexual women participants.
Additionally, participant 4 explained an example of hostility when conducting anti-racism
workshops as part of her job. She also mentioned the physical toll it had on her body:
I have also found when I have done like workshops and stuff like that, when I do
workshop, when I have done workshops about LGBT. Although, of course, I can do like,
you know, I’ve developed. And, um, there was much there was easier for me. It’s easier for
me to do presentations around LGBT stuff. And it easy and I have no problem, you know,
people being hostile or whatever or ignorant or [laughter], you know, asking silly questions
or whatever. I’ve I find that when I go home and I'm fine. Whereas whenever I do an
anti-racism workshop, I absolutely plan for bed for two days. Period. [laughter] Absolutely.
Nothing is going to happen for two days. Period. Yeah. . . Yeah, it’s definitely recovery.
Um, I’m strong and all of that. And I, you know, stuff goes over my back blah blah blah.

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Um, it’s, but it’s about it. There is something about when you really encounter. But two
things. One is when you really encounter people’s genocidal hatred. And they don't know
that's what it is. [laughter] Do you know what I mean when people get to a place where it's
just like, “oh, I'm a nice person and I'm. I care about this”. And then they just get to this
place where it's like, enough now. You know, I don't want to deal with this and I don't
really actually see and hear you as a whole and complete human being. There's a place at
which there's a point at which it's a deeply indoctrinated belief, especially in Canada, right?
People in Canada think that they're not. Canada's doesn't have racism. They are they
absolutely do think that. And so it's. It is a it's a deep. It’s just a it’s a core thing that,
especially when people aren’t even aware of it, [laughter] you know, or where it’s coming
from. Do you realize how absolutely erased my you know, my anyway. So there’s that.
And then there’s also the enormity of it that um. You know, Canada really, you know, it’s
just the whole. You’re studying this, right? It’s it. You know this and you live it, right. So
it’s like that’s just the denial of the how absolutely built into the history and structure of
everything. Right, hierarchy is and then you and you look at the top of any organization
and it’s White guys up at the top and they have. And they have. And then there’s some
there’s, And yet no acknowledgement, our understanding of how that happened. Like,
they're it’s just like that's just normal or the way it is or else I'm thinking about it or
noticing it, right. (Participant 4, Black bisexual woman)
Participant 4 explained how she has experienced subtle forms of hostility within the workplace.
She also explained how hostility, in general, has been ingrained into Canadian history and in the
structures of organizations.

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Participants' examples of inequity in promotions and opportunities within the workplace
demonstrate how Black women were not as often recognized and were not being offered
promotions within the workplace in comparison to Black men. Feminist theory argues that the
causes for the marginalization of Black women in settings such as the workplace is because of
issues related to patriarchy, capitalism, misogyny, sexism, and racism (McCann & Kim, 2003, p.
1). Feminist intersectional approaches also validate how discrimination based on gender and sex
were visible within the workplace through the employer’s actions when hiring, promoting, and
training (Browne & Misra, 2003).

Supervisors and Responses to Racism within the Workplace
A third significant finding was that participants explained how supervisors within workplaces
tended to respond to situations concerning racism inadequately. Supervisors within the service
sector and labour market workplaces tended to respond to participants' experiences of racism by
dismissing these matters. The findings demonstrate that the relationships between participants
and their supervisors were distant and essentially nonexistent. These examples of supervisors'
responses to racism within the workplace also illustrated how participants tended to defend
themselves in these types of situations. For example, participant 4 explained how she was fired
from a workplace after having to defend her racial identity:
So he came to me and he said, well, um, they said that they didn't want to work with you,
and I sort of said, oh, well, that kind of doesn't surprise me. They didn't seem interested.
And he said, “yeah, well, what do you think was going on?”, and I said, “I don't know. But
I know that, you know, there's a real, you know, there's”. And I'm looking and I'm going,

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“do you know, what's going on in South Africa?”. He didn't seem to. So anyway, I just sort
of said, “yeah [name of supervisor], you know, I guess maybe there's still a lot of that kind
of separation of uh from South Africa”. And he just kind of went “well, I don't know about
that”. And then so the next day he calls me and and he says, “well, you know, thought
about it. And I thought, your uh. You are somehow projecting uh, anti-White sentiment
onto these people, I don't know why they would have felt that way about you. And you do
wear these extreme and intimidating African hairstyles. And so, I think that until you get to
a place where you’re more comfortable with your identity, um, I don’t think you should
work here. I don’t think you can work with. We’ve got lots of White clients. I don’t think
you can work with White clients”. (Participant 4, Black bisexual woman)
Participant 4 was fired from her job after her supervisor accused her of having anti-White
sentiment and criticized her for wearing “these extreme and intimidating African hairstyles”.
Participant 4 was told that she was unable to work with White clients, which resulted in her being
fired from her job. Participant 4’s experience is clearly racist treatment towards Black people
within the workplace.
Participant 4 further explained an incident that occurred within a previous work setting
related to her chronic illness:
I'm actually currently, you know, I'm a member at large and I do, you know, uh community
committee work and stuff like that. Union committee work. And uh, and it’s harder for me
to get the time off to go off union work than it does for somebody else. And so I try and
bring that up to the union. You know, the reason that, most more people here who are not
racialised is because it's easier for them to get the time off. You know, I had a manager

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who actually called the union and said, “what does she need the time off? What are they
doing? What are you doing? What do you need her to do?” Um. And they were like, “we've
never seen that before?”. You know, and I was just like that’s because they’d be like, “oh,
yeah, you’re right actually? Because we did find that this person had a hard time getting
their um. (Participant 4, Black bisexual woman)
Because of these experiences that participant 4 has undergone in previous workplaces, she
constantly felt the need to justify her intellectual and physical potential to employers,
supervisors, and colleagues. Even though participant 4 was employed under a union, she still felt
the need to justify her intellectual and physical potential to remain employed. Similarly,
participant 1 explained how they were forced to deal with racism within the workplace and how
management disregarded this matter:
A lot of yeah, like unspoken stuff that I would say people of colour, especially like in retail
and stuff probably experience, which is the same thing that they'd experience sort of day to
day. But there's no like protection from your employer, from those types of things, like
even from your fellow employees or even from the people that, you know, they're supposed
to be managing and supervising. . . I think like a lot of employers like to call themselves
nondiscriminatory but they also don’t have the tools or resources in place to actually
respond to racism within the workplace. (Participant 1, Black lesbian)
Participant 1’s experience with racism within the workplace demonstrates the lack of attention
displayed by the participant’s supervisor. This example also reveals the lack of acknowledgement
of participant 1’s supervisor regarding the protection of employees of marginalized groups within

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the workplace. These findings indicate that participant 1’s experiences with supervisors and their
responses to racism within the workplace had been overlooked.
The literature on the experiences of Black women allows us to understand the continuous
subordination and undermining of Black women within the workplace. Previous research has
demonstrated how intersections of race, gender, and sexuality are distinguishable factors for
oppressive treatment towards Black women within the workplace. (Brown & Misra, 2003). With
relevance to the research findings, intersections of race, gender, and sexuality were demonstrated
to be a structural barrier between participants and their supervisors in the workplace. These
barriers that Black women face contribute towards experiences of discrimination within the
workplace.
Intersectionality also recognizes that Black women face additional barriers and stigma in
the labour market. Brown and Misra’s (2003) research, which discusses the intersections of race,
gender, and sexuality in the labour market, explains how “the evidence for intersections of race
and gender in the labor market focuses on the three economic domains. The first two, wages and
discrimination, lie at the heart of debates on labor market inequality. The third domain,
immigration and domestic labor, represents one of the richest sources of research on
intersectionality in the labor markets conducted by multiracial feminist sociologists” (p. 495).
Ultimately, this reveals how intersections such as race, gender, and sexuality have a
distinguishable oppressive effect on Black women.

Relationships with Colleagues and Supervisors in the Workplace

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Participants were also found to have good relationships with their colleagues and supervisors.
Black lesbian and bisexual women chose not to have close relationships with their colleagues and
supervisors at work. An intersectional approach helps explain how Black lesbian and bisexual
women’s relationship with their colleagues is different than Black gay men. One way these
differences are explained is through participants’ workplace interactions with their colleagues
and supervisors. Participants discussed how their colleagues and supervisors communicate with
them and one another. These findings interpret how knowledgeable individuals and workplaces
were regarding racism among marginalized groups that exist within workplaces. For example,
participant 1 mentioned why she remained distant within the workplace:
I tend to be quite introverted at work. And uhm because I do kind of have a steady stream
of stuff to do, like I said, it's impossible to catch up. So there isn't really a time where
you're like, oh, it's a chill afternoon at work. But like, there are a few folks in the office
because I've been there for quite a while now, that like, will stop by my desk and have a
little chat. How's your weekend? But it's usually very like, you know, those surface
conversations. [laughter] Pleasant. (Participant 1, Black lesbian)
Although participant 1 has distant relationships with colleagues in their workplace, this was not
the same for participant 2:
I work with a group of about seven [others]. And I would describe myself as having uh
close relationships with maybe about half of them. And good relationships with the
remaining . . . Uhm all are younger than me. The least by five years or two and the most by
a good couple of decades . . . Oh, yeah. I can rely on. I guess the workers through my work
the longest. There are two of them and they’re female and uhm they’ve been with me for

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the majority of those 20 years. . . And I feel I could rely on them if I had a need outside of
our work . . . Yeah, I yeah I’ve called on them once or twice. And if there was something I
needed them for and if they can’t, they’re there for me. (Participant 2, Black gay man)
Nevertheless, participant 2 mentioned that he did not have close relationships with everyone
within his workplace, such as his supervisor. He explains that,
He is not taking the full time to get to know uh what myself and my team have achieved.
And so that introduces some tension in our relationship. But certainly we’ve been very
cordial with each other. Uhm and certainly the lines of communication so far have been
open. (Participant 2, Black gay man)
These findings illustrate both the employment type and job role of participants 1 and 2.
Participant 1 has maintained a temporary position within the transportation industry for the last
year and a half. Whereas, participant 2 has maintained a full-time position within the educational
system for over 20 years. These differences demonstrate how participants' relationships with their
colleagues within the workplace differ between Black lesbian and bisexual women and Black gay
men. The experiences of participants 1 and 2 also demonstrate how different unionized positions
can possess different types of relationships among colleagues within the workplace.
Participant 1 explained another interaction that occurred within a previous workplace:
It’s hard to say because it's like I don't know how people would treat me otherwise because
they always see me as a Black person. Uhm, I would say in this city in particular, people
like to because I mean, Black people are like, I think 1 percent of the population in the
Lower Mainland or in B.C., I'm not sure. Uhm. People like to like when they recognize
something about you that they decide is like, “oh, that's blackness” they’ll like pointed out

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to you and you’re kind of like, “okay thanks”. Like, I know or I'm not doing this because
I'm Black. I'm just doing this and you're making these associations with it. Or like ways
that I might dress, especially like working in retail when I was like cause I worked in the
retail industry for a while. So like trendy cheap clothes. So I had like a much trendier
wardrobe at the time. And like, you know, you wear outfits and some people like, “oh,
you're dressed in Black today”. And you’re like, “not really. I'm just out wearing what I
thought was cool”. So I think people um tend to attribute . . . Yeah, certain styles or just
like whatever behaviour they decide is blackness, they’ll point it out to you or remark on it,
maybe not directly to you. And it's sort of like, that's a kind of a weird thing to say cause
it's sort of exotic to them. I would say, especially in the city. So whereas like at another in
another place, people probably wouldn’t point that out. (Participant 1, Black lesbian)
Participant 1 further explained the lack of communication and protection within workplaces
when confronted by colleagues:
I happen to be the one that spoke up. But like other people in the other employees,
eventually they we're like, you know, “thank you for saying something” because like it’s
making them feel uncomfortable, too. So I feel like there's uh. Um. A lot of yeah, like
unspoken stuff that I would say people of colour, especially like in retail and stuff probably
experience, which is the same thing that they'd experience sort of day to day. But there's no
like protection from your employer, from those types of things, like even from your fellow
employees or even from the people that, you know, they're supposed to be managing and
supervising. (Participant 1, Black lesbian)

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Participant 1’s experience with having to manage to communicate and protect themselves and
other colleagues within the workplace demonstrates the relationship between participant 1 and
their colleagues. This finding indicates how participant 1’s colleagues at the time were thankful
that they had acknowledged and spoke up about the inappropriate behaviour that transpired
within the workplace. It also demonstrates how participants’ workplaces dismissed matters
concerning discriminatory actions against Black people that were undealt with at work.
Furthermore, participant 1 provided another example concerning their supervisor, whereby,
they felt a sense of disconnection within the workplace:
I think the position that I occupy there, uhm, really like, gives people permission to sort of
treat me like less than in some ways and. Yeah, I don’t know I think I know I look younger
than I am, so people often think of me as like a younger person. And so sometimes, yeah, I
feel like I'm like, well I have the lived experience and the knowledge and the wisdom to
like, you know, be regarded as maybe. But it almost looks like that hierarchy itself is sort
of problematic. But, [laughter] uhm, yeah, I do sometimes get the sense uh, especially from
my supervisor. Being like, “oh, you little woman in the corner who does like…” he's, he's
nice, but it's like very kind of belittling in some ways. Yeah. It's almost like a, this like
weird, sweet, like the way you talk to a child, essentially. It's like you're pleasant and you're
nice, but it’s like you don't see me as an equal. (Participant 1, Black lesbian)
Participant 1 mentioned that the hierarchy of individuals was visible within the workplace and
validated the challenges surrounding intersectionality. The experience of participant 1 answers
one of the research questions of this study, which was, what are some noticeable barriers of
oppression for Black lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer people within the workplace? The findings

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of this research reveal that barriers of oppression are far more noticeable in the workplaces of
Black lesbian and bisexual women than those of Black gay men. Because participant 1 is
currently working in a temporary job role, they do not want to risk mentioning anything to
superiors within their workplace that will get them into trouble. Participant 1 disclosed an
inappropriate situation that occurred between them and their supervisor:
My direct supervisor uh, and like I said, I often listen to music when I'm working as day
typing away, uhm so I’m sitting at my desk on my headphones in. I'm just, you know,
carrying on. And just all of a sudden there's hands on my shoulders, like massaging my
shoulders. I was like, what is happening? And it was my boss. And he was like making a
joke, like, aren't I a nice boss? I, like, give my employees massages. I was like, this is
incredibly inappropriate. I do not want you touching me. Like it was so wild. And it was
one of those things where I was like, is this really happening right now? Like, what the
heck? And so I kind of just like stood up and it was around lunchtime. So I'm still on for
lunch. I kind of walked it off. But like in another instance, if I had felt like I had, you
know, the power to do it, I would have been like, excuse me, what the hell are you doing?
Do not touch me. But because I'm so like temporary and it sort of feels like, yeah, you don't
want them to be like, yeah, we won't keep you on for another three months. Like we'll just
because they can't always just get another temp in there. So. Yeah. So stuff like that. Uhm,
that was probably the worst incident. Uhm. I've had a couple people in my office told me to
smile [laughter] which is always irritating. (Participant 1, Black lesbian)
This experience made participant 1 feel uncomfortable around their supervisor at work.
Participant 1’s experience demonstrates the complexities that Black lesbian and bisexual women

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face in a temporary employment position. Although participant 1 was currently employed under
a union, they continued to fear the risk of being laid off. These findings also reveal that the
experiences and temporary job role of participant 1 tended to prevent them from confronting
inappropriate interactions that had occurred between them and their supervisor. This research
indicates that these types of experiences have had an impact on participants’ sense of certainty
and safety within their workplace. The experiences of participant 1, in particular, demonstrated
the adversities surrounding those with multiple intersectional identities within the workplace.
Also, participant 1 explained their feelings of having another Black colleague within the
workplace:
It's like nice to have at least one other Black person in a workplace, to be honest. Like
oftentimes you're the only one. Uhm, so in this case, we don't interact very much cause we
have separate roles and stuff. But honestly, like anytime you’re like, “oh my god, there’s
another Black person?!”, there's like maybe that little bit of extra safety uh that, you know,
might come in handy someday. You never put something that you definitely would take
note of, for example, like you'd be like, “ah, I know that this person is here”. So in my
current job, I have never had to like, make use of that connection. But uh definitely is
something that you take note of. Yeah, I’d say. (Participant 1, Black lesbian)
Participant 1 felt a sense of comfort whenever there was another Black or Black queer colleague
within their workplace. This is because participants' experiences within different workplaces with
relevance to their racial identity have contributed towards their sense of uncertainty and lack of
safety. Critical race theory supports the understanding of racism and the injustices that lie within
workplaces (Alderman et al., 2018). These barriers within workplaces have the power to affect

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marginalized groups such as the Black community. These barriers of oppression within
participants' workplaces are demonstrated through their colleagues and supervisors lack of
knowledge around diversity and inclusivity within the workplace. Thus, these barriers of
oppression experienced by Black lesbian and bisexual women within the workplace impact their
relationships with colleagues and supervisors.
Participants were highly aware of their surroundings within their workplaces. Participants
were aware of how colleagues and supervisors interact and treat one another. For example,
participant 3 mentioned their experiences with colleagues and supervisors within the workplace.
She explained how colleagues and supervisors understanding around diversity and inclusivity
within the workplace has an impact on workplace relationships:
The [workplace] coordinator sort of sets the tone right and has kind of like, so she sets the
tone for like, um, I'm gonna say, um, inclusion of diversity in the programming. She sets
the tone for inclusion and diversity in terms of her, um, her staff, like she, she hires, you
know, diverse staff, right? So that's like another layer. But like, the reality is that like, I
can't always trust that all of those people just because their POC are going to not, um,
engage on like anti-Black racism. So it's like, I like, there's this like, so let's say to a point,
right, as POC, I know that there's a certain level of connection that we have, but, um,
anti-Black racism is real and surprisingly a lot of POC (people of colour) folks don't get it.
So, um, there's not the same kind of like. . . I want to say it's also very like diverse, which
also makes a place nice to work at. Yeah. There's like a lot of different kinds of, um, like,
um, I hate, I hate diversity, but like, um, there's also people of different ethnicities and. . .
there's like, um, a couple of, Muslim staff. Like it's nice. There's even another Black person

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that works for it, which is like a shocker for me. [laughter] It makes a huge difference. Like
one of the things about, um, so being Black and being queer, being Black, it's like, it's
really common to not have another Black coworker, you know? Um, and so there's certain,
you know, there's like certain things that even if I feel pretty included, it only goes so far.
You know what I mean? There's certain things that people aren't going to get and there's
certain things that are gonna like I'd say that people that aren't Black or non POC’s or you
know, White people or whatever. I hope you don't mind. I'm just, cause uh White people,
um, like they mess up sometimes, you know, even if they don't mean to, you know, so I
think like, um, in general I have a pretty good workplace, but it's much nicer to have like
another person, like another Black person there. . . I know when I met, when I saw, uh,
um, the other Black staff person, like there was a certain kind of camaraderie that came up
and that was like really nice. And also, even the fact that we were both in that same
workplace was both validating for both of us. Do you know what I mean? For her to see me
there, she's like, okay, like this is probably okay. An okay place for me to be, if this
person's here. (Participant 3, Black bisexual woman)
Participant 3 explained how colleague’s and supervisor’s knowledge of diversity and inclusivity
within the workplace has an impact on workplace relationships. She also explained how
anti-Black racism is an act that contributes to the inequitable treatment of Black individuals,
especially within the workplace. Participant 3’s experience indicates how often colleagues of
colour who are not Black do not always understand diversity and inclusivity within the
workplace. These experiences made participant 3 feel like she was not fully included in her
workplace. The experiences of participant 3 help to answer one of the sub-questions of this

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research, that is, what is it about workplaces within the service sector and the labour market that
make it more susceptible for Black LGBQ people to be discriminated against? The findings of
this research indicate that Black lesbian and bisexual women were more susceptible to
discriminatory actions within the workplace.
Participant 3 also discussed the increased lack of understanding around anti-Black racism
among colleagues within a workplace. She also discussed how this made her feel:
Anti-Black racism is kind of like a real thing. And so I think that there's a certain certain
level of trust that is reserved. Do you know what I mean? Like it takes, there's only so close
that I get to people . . . Um, I think because I don't, cause I can't, I can't, I don't know. Yes,
they're going to be around things. And also there's a part where like, um, I'll be honest, I'm
kind of used to people at some point in the relationship, like letting me down or
disappointing me around issues of race. Um, and it doesn't, it's not like, it's always a big
thing. Sometimes it's a small thing, um, but it usually comes up at one point or another . . .
Yeah. It still impacts you. (Participant 3, Black bisexual woman)
Participant 3 found that colleagues within the workplace, whether they are a person of colour or
not, did not always tend to understand anti-Black racism and how it impacted Black people.
Participant 3 described how anti-Black racism is a systemic matter which plays a huge factor
when attempting to build relationships with colleagues or supervisors. This is one explanation as
to why Black lesbian and bisexual women in this study tended to have distant relationships with
colleagues within their workplace.
Another intersectional aspect of participants in this study was sexuality. Homophobia in the
workplace was not reported to be prevalent among participants in this study. Although

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participant 2 mentions that his experiences of homophobia are infrequent, these are the
experiences that are known to contribute towards microaggressions within the workplace.
Participant 4’s relationships with their colleagues and supervisors were not specified
throughout the findings. Participants’ relationships with colleagues and supervisors within the
workplace varied between men and women in this study. Participants' experiences revealed a
limited understanding of the intersections of diversity and inclusivity within the workplace.
Participants’ relationships and sense of belonging at work also varied because of their
employment type (e.g., part-time, full-time, temporary, and contract). The lack of communication
in participants’ workplaces has also proven to have an impact on participants' livelihood. The
lack of acknowledgement of participants’ thoughts, feelings, and ideas has forced some
participants to look elsewhere for employment.

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Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion
Chapter Summary
This chapter includes an explanation of the research findings, which will be supported by the
theoretical framework of this thesis and academic literature. Participant experiences will largely
be interpreted through an intersectional lens. This chapter also includes some policy
recommendations for the service sector and labour market based on the research findings and
participant recommendations. Lastly, this chapter will address some of the limitations and
directions for future research as well as providing a conclusion to this study.

Explanation of Findings
This study found 4 key themes among participants' experiences within the workplace. These
themes included 1) racism within the workplace, 2) inequity in promotions and opportunities
within the workplace, 3) supervisors responses to racism within the workplace and 4)
relationships with colleagues and supervisors within the workplace. These key themes articulate
the mistreatment that Black people experienced in workplaces and each will be explained below.

Racism within the Workplace
The most consistent finding in this study was the pervasiveness of racism within the workplace.
The majority of the participants experienced racial microaggressions, hostile behaviours, and
chronic health issues within their workplaces. This finding is supported by academic research
that has found that “in the world of work, microaggressions contribute to the glass ceiling effect
for Black employees by sending messages of exclusion and expectations of failure and by

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sapping their psychological and spiritual energies in the workplace” (Sue et al., 2008, p. 330).
Previous research on Black people’s experiences with racial microaggressions has proven to
impose a harmful impact on their mental and physical well-being as well as their access to
equitable treatment within the workplace (Sue et al., 2008).
This study found that participants experienced many different forms of racism in their
workplaces. This study’s finding of the pervasiveness of racism within the workplace is also well
supported by previous research on Black experiences with racism within the workplace in the
United States. American research has demonstrated that by “focusing on Black Americans, we
examine ‘everyday’ discrimination, those subtle and pervasive manifestations of racism faced by
Blacks on a daily basis in the workplace” (Deitch et al., 2003, p. 1300). This research
demonstrates how Black people experience everyday racism within their workplaces. It also
indicates that these experiences of racism that Black people endure within their workplace
significantly impact their wellbeing. Research literature and critical race theory support the
findings of racism within the workplace.
From a theoretical perspective, Black lesbian and bisexual women’s experiences
demonstrate the lack of understanding around racialization within the workplace. The findings of
this research validate the challenges for Black lesbian and bisexual women in the Lower
Mainland. Critical race theory unveils the inequitable treatment and measures taken against racial
groups within power structures in society (Furman et al., 2018). Critical race theory supports this
finding that “racism is an “integral, permanent and indestructible component of this society.
Critical race theory presupposes a racial realist perspective, in that there is an ever-present reality
of racism that is systemic in nature and institutionalized throughout all economic, social, and

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political systems” (DeCuir-Gunby & Gunby, 2016, p. 392). Critical race theory demonstrates
how racism is rooted in the foundation of society and seeps into workplaces. Black lesbian and
bisexual women in this study were targets of racist experiences within their workplace. Critical
race theory also supports this finding by explaining how “these outward manifestations mask the
deep fundamental roots of sexism, racism, power, and White privilege that plague our society.
While these roots are invisible, they give rise to visible manifestations of racial and sexual
oppression. Consequently, diversity within organizations cannot be sustained unless based on an
understanding of the root causes of racism” (Bernier & Rocco, 2003, p. 14). Critical race theory
supports the understanding that racism and sexism are ingrained into society but are ignored due
to increased structural oppression. This is why organizations are unable to maintain an
understanding of the causes of racism. Academic research and critical race theory support the
experiences of Black lesbian and bisexual women within their workplace.
Black lesbian and bisexual women in this study reported experiencing historical and
contemporary structural oppression. This has resulted in Black lesbian and bisexual women being
forced to face experiences of racism within the workplace. The literature surrounding Black
women within the workplace explains that they experience the hardship of racial and gender
oppression and inequitable treatment within the service sector and labour market workplaces
(Mensah, 2002). An intersectional approach also recognizes that Black women working within
the service sector and labour market face challenges around the intersections of gender and race.
Previous research studies have also found that Black women endure mistreatment,
microaggressions, and hostile behaviour within the workplace due to the long-standing impact of
colonialism, racism, and patriarchy (Holder et al., 2015). It explains how Black women’s

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experiences of oppression have ultimately led to the normalization of traditional racialized
customs within the workplace (Holder et al., 2015). Black lesbian and bisexual women in this
study reported that their experiences of racism within the workplace had an impact on their sense
of safety and mental wellbeing. This was because participants’ workplace dynamics were found
to lack knowledge around the root causes of racism. These findings indicate the lack of
understanding of diversity within Black lesbian and bisexual women’s workplaces. Black lesbian
and bisexual women also reported high-levels of mental and physical stress stemming from
experiences of racism within their workplaces. This finding is consistent with the academic
literature examining Black women. For example, racial microaggressions, which are described as
“verbal, behavioural, and environmental racial slights or insults directed to a person who is an
ethnic minority group member” (Hollingsworth et al., 2017, p. 105), were found to contribute to
high levels of stress and depression in many Black women. Racial microaggressions were said to
produce feelings of self-doubt in many Black women (Hollingsworth et al., 2017). This is one of
the reasons why Black women have to take medical leave from work while continuing to justify
their potential and belonging within the workplace to remain employed (Hollingsworth et al.,
2017). This demonstrates the ongoing subordination that Black lesbian and bisexual women
experience within the workplace. Research further supports the discriminatory behaviour against
Black lesbian and bisexual women by emphasizing the stressors that they develop:
The particular stressors in the lives of African American women reflect their distinct
history, sociocultural experience, and position in society. These stressors differ in
magnitude and content from those of White women, White men, and African American
men. The usual stressors of the working environment may be unbearable because Black

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women can be easily singled out and treated differently than their colleagues.
Discrimination in the workplace on the basis of race and gender is a chronic stressor for
Black women. (Hall et al., 2012, p. 209)
This research highlights the fact that Black women are susceptible to ongoing stressors within the
workplace due to historical and contemporary discriminatory practices embedded in the service
sector and the labour market.
Previous research surrounding the experiences of Black women highlights the difference in
experiences between White women and men as well as Black men in comparison to Black
women. Experiences differ for Black women because they possess multiple intersectional
identities’ including, race, gender, and sexuality. Intersectionality recognizes the subordination
that Black women endure in more dominant and hierarchical social organizations such as
workplaces within the service sector and the labour market (Feinstein, 2017). Intersectionality
also acknowledges how Black women’s identities have been marginalized and erased due to the
discriminatory behaviours of more racially privileged groups in society (Feinstein, 2017). Black
lesbian and bisexual women in this study faced oppressive treatment when having to
communicate their health matters to their employers. For example, participant 4 mentioned how
her chronic illness prevented her from going into work. This meant that participant 4 required
time off from work, according to her health care practitioner. However, participant 4 was asked
several ongoing questions from her employer regarding the purpose of their time off work. This
emphasizes the barriers that Black lesbian and bisexual women are subjected to within the
workplace. It also demonstrates how intersections of race and gender are distinguishable factors
for oppressive treatment towards Black lesbian and bisexual women within the workplace.

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(Brown & Misra, 2003). These barriers contributed towards the overall experiences of
discrimination that Black lesbian and bisexual women in this study faced within the workplace. It
also demonstrates how Black lesbian and bisexual women faced racist injuries and various forms
of discrimination within their workplace due to their intersectional identities. Research by Mohr
and Purdie-Vaughns (2015), examined intersectional identities and the impacts of discrimination
on Black women, also explained how:
Early work examining the experience of discrimination from the target’s perspective has
uncovered evidence of cumulative disadvantage for intersectional individuals. For instance,
Black women report that employers expect to pay them less in comparison to Black males
and White females. In addition, Black lesbians who were interviewed about stressors
associated with their triple subordinate identity status claim that racism, sexism, and
heterosexism are significant sources of stress in their lives. (p. 392)
The results of Mohr and Purdie-Vaughns (2015) study demonstrated that Black women within
the workplace experience stressors that are associated with discriminatory behaviour directed
towards their intersectional identities.
The experiences of Black lesbian and bisexual women in this study were different that
those of participant 2, the Black gay man, who, did not report experiencing racism within the
workplace. He did, however, experience occasional homophobia within his current workplace.
Using an intersectional approach can help us understand this gender difference. One way to
understand this difference is that participant 2 has the privilege of rarely encountering
homophobic experiences within his current workplace. This finding also demonstrates the
privilege that participant 2 has not ever experienced racism within his current workplace for 20

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years. The Black lesbian and bisexual women in this study, on the other hand, encountered
multiple experiences of racism within various workplaces. This finding can be understood
through intersectional Black feminist theory, which argues that there is a distinction of Black
women’s situations from Black men’s as well as from White women and men (Feinstein, 2017).
An intersectional approach helps to understand racism within the workplace and can be used to
unveil the discriminatory actions and unequal measures against Black lesbian and bisexual
women (Mercat-Bruns, 2017). Both the theoretical framework and previous academic research
support this finding that Black lesbian and bisexual women experienced increased amounts of
racism within their workplaces. These experiences of racism within the workplace contributes to
the normalization of discriminatory behaviour towards Black lesbian and bisexual women. One
way discriminatory behaviour is normalized is by the denial of employment opportunities and
promotions, which will be discussed in the next key finding.

Inequity in Promotions and Opportunities within the Workplace
The second key theme found in this research is that Black lesbian and bisexual women in this
study experienced inequity in promotions and opportunities within their workplace. This was
demonstrated through Black lesbian and bisexual women’s inability to access higher-status jobs
and restrictions with temporary employment positions. These findings unveiled that Black
lesbian and bisexual women were not presented with promotions and opportunities within their
workplaces as often as their White male counterparts. For example, participant 4 explained
witnessing a colleague who was a White man with less experience than herself, be promoted
fairly quickly within the workplace. Participants 4’s experience demonstrates the structural

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oppression that Black lesbian and bisexual women continue to face in comparison to White men
within the workplace. For example, a study on the experiences of gender and race at work
explained how the perception of Black women in leadership roles is least typical, which suggests
that Black women have to work harder than other groups within the workplace to achieve
higher-status job roles (Rosette et al., 2018). This means that Black women also have to display a
greater amount of competence than other groups within the workplace to be recognized for their
work. Research reveals that this type of inequitable treatment towards Black women is said to
result in “the ‘glass cliff,’ which suggests that women, in general, are more likely to be asked to
lead organizations in financially precarious positions because they are perceived to possess the
attributes that are suitable for managing these situations. Therefore, although Black women may
experience benefits once they access leadership roles because of dominance stereotypes, their
presumed incompetence likely impedes their attainment of top roles and at least partially explains
their immense underrepresentation in leadership roles” (Rosette et al., 2018, p. 7). The split labor
market theory argues that the precariousness experienced by Black women is likely due to the
disparities that minority groups such as Black lesbian and bisexual women experience within the
workplace. Split labor market theory explains how Black women are likely to be denied
employment opportunities because of their minority status and the undermining of their
competence by both the employer and other groups within the workplace.
Additionally, a study conducted in the US examined Black women’s experiences within the
labour market. It demonstrated intersections of race and gender as factors contributing to
inequality within the labour market. Browne and Misra’s (2003) research found “a sense of
isolation from a corporate environment in which the majority of managers were White men, and

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they perceived a White male culture that was inhospitable and alien. . . Black women had fewer
resources such as network contacts to fit into the organization. . . Black women also felt greater
pressure to perform better than their male colleagues (almost all of whom were White) and were
much less likely to have role models that were the same gender and race as themselves” (Browne
& Misra, 2003, p. 501). This demonstrates the difference in obtaining equity in opportunities
between Black women and White men within the workplace, which was similar to the experience
described by participants in this study. Browne and Misra’s (2003) research also demonstrates
how Black women are faced with greater pressure than White men within the workplace to
perform better.
Furthermore, this research found a difference between Black lesbian and bisexual women
and Black gay men’s experiences with inequity in promotions and opportunities within the
workplace. Black lesbian and bisexual women experienced far more inequity in promotions and
opportunities within their workplaces in comparison to participant 2, a Black gay man.
Participant 2 mentioned how his opinion and judgement were valued in his workplace, where he
worked in a senior role. The theoretical framework supports this finding by providing an
intersectional analysis of Black lesbian and bisexual women’s experiences of inequity within the
workplace. Intersectionality recognizes that Black women are not only subjected to racism and
sexism but are targeted by various forms of discrimination throughout their lives based on their
intersecting identities. Research by Hollis (2018) explains that Black women face, “unfavorable
class, sexual orientation, religion, language, and national origin, identities potentially outside of
the mainstream, are positions that can keep women of color locked out of opportunity. . .
Intersectionality ‘addresses the manner in which racism, patriarchy, class oppression, and other

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discriminatory systems create inequalities that structure the relative positions of women, races,
ethnicities, classes and the like” (p. 76-77). Participant 2’s experience demonstrates the
difference in experiences of equity and workplace discrimination between Black gay men and
Black lesbian and bisexual women. Research supports this finding as it has been previously
explained that Black women experience increased negative stereotypes due to being both a
woman and Black (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010). Black women are said to experience a lack
of promotions, increased segregation, pressure to perform better, lack of advancement over Black
men, and limited career opportunities due to racism and sexism (Sanchez-Hucles & Davis, 2010).
Participants of this study, on the other hand, have another intersectional position where they are
vulnerable to discrimination in the form of homophobia. Black women are also said to
experience unfair treatment in training, promoting, and opportunities. Therefore, this research
study demonstrates the combination of restrictions that Black lesbian and bisexual women
encounter within the workplace, including experiences of lower promotion rates. Further research
acknowledges the barriers that Black lesbian and bisexual women face within the workplace.
Research by Meyer (2017) explains these barriers that Black women are subjected to, such as
“the experience of ‘not being heard’ and ‘undervalued’ can only be overcome when racial group
dynamics are broken through communication and cooperation on a one-by-one interaction” (p.
150). Meyer’s (2017) research supports the findings on the inequity in promotion and
opportunities within the workplace. It allows us to understand that Black women are undervalued
due to the likelihood of their voices not being heard. Both the theoretical framework and
academic research help validate the findings of this research, which is that Black lesbian and
bisexual women were found to experience increased inequity in promotions and opportunities

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within the workplace in comparison to Black gay men. This was demonstrated through Black
lesbian and bisexual women’s challenges regarding their intersectional identities as well as
stereotypical barriers of oppression integrated into workplace practices.

Supervisors and Responses to Racism within the Workplace
This research found that Black lesbian and bisexual women were forced to defend their racial
identity when confronted by their supervisor’s responses to experiences of racism within their
workplace. This was displayed through the Black lesbian and bisexual women in this study
experiencing discrimination towards their hair and the need to defend their intellectual and
physical potential within the workplace. For example, participant 4’s supervisor spoke about her
hair in degrading ways. Brown’s (2018) research supports this finding that Black women are
faced with negative judgments and opinions regarding their hairstyles within workplaces.
Brown’s (2018) study on Black women found that “deeming a Black woman’s hair as gross is
unacceptable and creates an oppressive work environment for Black women'' (p. 68).
Intersectionality is demonstrated through participants’ experiences with their supervisors and
responses to racism within the workplace. Another example of research on Black women’s
experiences with racial tensions within workplaces is the study by Hunte (2016) which provides
an example of a Black woman’s experience working within the trades industry and how she
faced repeated racialization. Like participants in this study, she experienced racism within
workplaces, which has resulted in chronic health consequences. “being in a workplace where the
microaggressive behaviors of being undermined, publicly ridiculed, and threatened with
termination by her supervisor continued unchecked was detrimental to Shonda’s mental health

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and livelihood” (p. 441). Similar to the experiences of Black lesbian and bisexual women in this
study, the above example also demonstrates how Black women’s experiences concerning racism
within the workplace are not unacknowledged by their supervisors in comparison to their White
counterparts. Hunte’s (2016) research supports the findings of this research as it recognizes the
adversities and discriminatory behaviour experienced by Black lesbian and bisexual women. It
also validates that Black women working within the service sector and the labour market are
treated differently by their supervisors in comparison to their White counterparts.
This research also reported that Black lesbian and bisexual women had to defend their
intellectual and physical ability to employers. Academic research supports this finding by
examining Black women’s experiences with managers and their discriminatory perceptions of
employees of colour. A study examining Black women’s experiences and communication tactics
within organizations, explain,
White managers’ perceptions of their minority employees revealed that over two-thirds of
the White interviewees had characterized their Black employees negatively, typifying the
Black women in particular as lazy and unmotivated and the Black men as shiftless.
Additionally, White managers expressed frustration at their Black employees’ claims of
discrimination or maltreatment, arguing that such complaints were groundless. Some of the
managers interviewed had extremely limited contact with their employees of color, but still
negatively characterized them during interviews. The researcher surmised that the White
managers’ answers invoked stereotypes that helped them to better support their
already-formed perceptions of their minority employees’ deficiencies and shortcomings.
(Adesaogun et al., 2015, p. 45)

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This reveals how negative perceptions of Black lesbian and bisexual women by their supervisor
impacts the type of response that supervisors provide to issues concerning racism within the
workplace. This research supports the participants’ findings as it demonstrates how Black women
are treated by their supervisors in their workplace. This treatment affects how Black lesbian and
bisexual women’s supervisors respond to racist accounts that transpire within the workplace.
Academic research also supports this finding by explaining how Black people experienced
subtle, persistent forms of discrimination within the workplace based on their racial identity.
Imoagene’s (2018) research demonstrates the lack of support and guidance provided to Black
people that work within organizational and institutional settings. Imoagene’s (2018) research
describes how Black employees felt that they received a lack of support and mentorship
compared to their White colleagues. Black employees explained their doubts in their competence
and ability to succeed in the company (Imoagene, 2018). This demonstrates how some
workplaces fail to respond to experiences of discrimination against Black workers. A study on
race, gender, and power within the workplace found that, “relative to White men, all groups
encounter increasing inequality at higher levels of power, but only Black women seem to
experience this form of inequality as a result of direct discrimination” (Elliott & Smith, 2004, p.
365). Research indicates how racially minorized women, such as Black lesbian and bisexual
women, are exposed to racial, gender, and sexual inequalities within the workplace. The research
by Elliott and Smith (2004) further indicates that this is likely because “employers might let
women and minorities into low positions of authority, they are much less likely to let them into
high positions that involve greater control” (p. 366). Elliott and Smith’s (2004) research
recognizes that workplaces such as those within the service sector and the labour market consist

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of invisible barriers of oppression. These barriers increase inequality and disadvantages for Black
lesbian and bisexual women.

Relationships with Colleagues and Supervisors within the Workplace
Black lesbian and bisexual women’s relationships with their colleagues and supervisors at work
were complicated. This finding is supported by the theoretical framework, which helps to explain
the purpose of this finding with relevance to intersectionality. Intersectionality theory recognizes
the injustices related to Black lesbian and bisexual women’s intersectional identity as it is
reported to “understand experiences of the ‘Other’, or marginalized people and groups, within
institutions that maintain discriminatory practices and social inequities. Therefore, it is necessary
to illuminate how the intersections of race and gender, as well as other personal and social
identities, interact to shape the multiple dimensions of Black women’s employment experiences”
(McDowell & Carter-Francique, 2017, p. 395). This research supports the findings of this
research because it addresses the reason to which Black lesbian and bisexual women experience
discriminatory behaviour concerning either their racial, gender or sexual identities within the
workplace. This research also identifies why women of colour, such as Black lesbian and
bisexual women, chose to maintain distant relationships with their colleagues and supervisors
within the workplace. It is because of the discouragement that Black lesbian and bisexual women
face from their colleagues and supervisors that play into how understanding people are around
diversity and inclusivity within the workplace. Research by Opie and Roberts (2017), which
examined Black lives within the workplace, expresses the voices of Black workers, stating,
“when Black people share their thoughts about racism with White people, White people may

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become defensive, deny racism, blame Black people for racism and resist structural changes
designed to eliminate workplace racism. Such denial and blaming tends to divert attention from
Black voices onto how and why White people are not complicit in creating, maintaining or
benefitting from structural systems that disadvantage Black people. This underscores how people
are happy to talk about diversity in the abstract but unwilling or resistant to concrete discussions
about race, racism and inequalities” (p. 711). This research addresses the concerns of Black
people within the workplace with relevance to workplace racism. It also acknowledges the
unwillingness of some workplaces to discuss and combat workplace racism to help increase
aspects of diversity and inclusivity within the workplace.
Additionally, this research found that the limited understanding of intersections of diversity
and inclusivity within the workplace is demonstrated by predominantly White workplaces.
Canadian legislative documents such as Canada’s ​Employment Equity Act ​(1995) emphasizes the
measures taken to provide equal employment opportunities for members of visible minorities
within the workplace. The Act further underlines the goal of eliminating any potential barriers
that may cause underrepresentation of members of visible minorities. However, the findings of
this research demonstrate that Black lesbian and bisexual women experienced the opposite of
what the act describes. The findings of this research unveiled that participants’ experiences
concerning discriminatory behaviour tended to be left undealt with at work. The research
literature reaffirms how anti-Black racism continues to be a systemic issue in Canadian
contemporary society. Research explains how “anti-black racism in Canada is often subtle and is
generally not accompanied by overt racial slurs or explicitly prohibitive legislation. However, it
is deeply entrenched in Canadian institutions, policies and practices, such that anti-black racism

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is either functionally normalized or rendered invisible to the larger white society. Canadian
Anti-black racism in its contemporary form continues the historical practices of racial
segregation, economic disadvantage and social division” (Mullings et al., 2016, p. 23).
Anti-Black racism is explained to be apparent within Canadian society as it contributes to the
racism, lack of opportunities, and the dehumanization of Black people. Likewise, participants
reported that the lack of understanding of anti-Black racism being a systemic matter was a factor
when attempting to build relationships with colleagues and supervisors. This research also found
that anti-Black racism largely contributed towards the inequitable treatment of Black lesbian and
bisexual women within the workplace.
The research findings revealed that participants' relationships with colleagues and
supervisors within the workplace were impacted by their level of understanding around diversity
and inclusivity within the workplace. Although Black lesbian and bisexual women had good
relationships with their colleagues and supervisors, they remained distant from them within their
workplace. On the other hand, the Black gay man in this study had closer relationships with their
colleagues. The theoretical framework supports these findings by explaining how
intersectionality addresses the gender issues that create hierarchies and power relations within
workplaces. It is because of the limited understanding of diversity and inclusivity within the
workplace that Black lesbian and bisexual women in this study remained distant from colleagues
and supervisors.
The research literature also supports this finding that Black lesbian and bisexual women
have distant relationships with colleagues and supervisors because of the discriminatory
behaviour they experience for being viewed as members of a marginalized group (Miles, 2008).

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Research also emphasized the unwillingness of some workplaces to discuss the causes of racism
within the workplace as well as the importance of diversity and inclusivity within the workplace
(Opie & Roberts, 2017). Nevertheless, research justifies how anti-Black racism is seen within
institutions and organizations (Brewster & Rusche, 2012). This finding reveals the gaps found in
the research literature surrounding diversity and inclusivity as well as the lack of understanding
on anti-Black racism within the workplace. However, legislative documents on employment
equity do not help to protect Black lesbian and bisexual women within their workplace. This lack
of understanding and recognition of anti-Black racism contributes to systemic matters. It also
impacts Black lesbian and bisexual women’s relationships with colleagues and supervisors
within the workplace.

Policy Recommendations
With relevance to the research findings and to assist in reducing workplace racism, employers
should emphasize and uphold the measures included under Canada’s ​Employment Equity Act
(1995), which support equal employment opportunities for members of visible minorities within
the workplace. The act underlines the goal of eliminating any potential barriers that may cause
underrepresentation of members of visible minorities. The act emphasizes the duty of employers
to uphold employment equity by ensuring the following measures:
(a) identifying and eliminating employment barriers against persons in designated groups
that result from the employer’s employment systems, policies and practices that are not
authorized by law; and

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(b) instituting such positive policies and practices and making such reasonable
accommodations as will ensure that persons in designated groups achieve a degree of
representation in each occupational group in the employer’s workforce that reflects their
representation. (EEA, 1995)
All employers should abide by these measures to help reduce workplace racism and increase the
representation of marginalized groups such as Black lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer people.
Current workplace policies surrounding discrimination within the workplace do not offer enough
protection for Black lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer workers.
This study also found that the measures addressed in legislative documents such as the
Canadian Human Rights Act​ (1985), were not consistently maintained in Black lesbian, gay,
bisexual, and queer peoples workplaces. The Act discusses sexual orientation under section 15,
which states that an individual’s equality rights and the prohibited grounds for discrimination.
Based on the ​Canadian Human Rights Act ​(1985), the prohibited grounds of discrimination are
the following: race, nationality, ethnicity, colour, religion, gender, gender identity, gender
expression, sex, sexual orientation, disability, marital status, family status, and genetic
characteristics (CHRA, 1985). This Act, if abided by, would have provided participants with the
protection against discrimination and equal opportunities within their workplace. Identifying the
legal protection and basic human rights of Black LGBQ people would have increased
representation within their workplaces.
One participant recommended that workplaces incorporate more understanding around
gender diversity. The participant explained the level of understanding on gender diversity
amongst their colleagues, stating, “I would say maybe a further third have paid lip service to it

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and then and then maybe one third, uh I don’t think, have done any of their gender homework
yet”. This is because the research found that some participant’s workplaces lacked the knowledge
and understanding around lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer people. In this case, queer theory
argues that there are an underrepresentation and a lack of queer activism in academic projects
(Rand, 2006). This contributes to the oppression that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer people
face on a regular basis. It also contributes to the normalization of heterosexual practices within
societies and cultures (Rumens et al., 2019). Research surrounding workplace diversity explains
how “members of those groups protected by law still face considerable discrimination, and some
groups have yet to be covered by equal employment policies (for example, LGBT status is often
neglected). As long as inequalities still exist, there is a need to establish and enforce basic equal
opportunity protections” (Bond & Haynes, 2014, p. 185). This is why specific policy
recommendations need to address the increase in workplace diversity in all levels within an
organization to help reduce discrimination and promote inclusive practices.
Another policy recommendation is adjusting hiring, training, and promoting practices to
include both the recruiters and applicants understanding of the importance of diversity and
inclusivity within the workplace. One recommendation put forth by a participant was that
workplaces incorporate the consideration of visible minorities and queer people when hiring. The
participant recommended that workplaces “should definitely like, they don't actually take that
into consideration when they're hiring like they put it on the application, but like they never ask
on the application, like, are you a visible minority or do you identify as gay?”. If workplaces
were to consider incorporating the identification of visible minorities or queer people on
applications, this would demonstrate that workplaces are attempting to provide a more equitable

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work environment. Research also suggests that “the organizational practice that has been
identified as most critical to diversity is clarity about what person or unit is ultimately
responsible for tracking and monitoring. When organizations establish clear compliance
structures, it seems to not only increase numerical representation of minority groups, but it also
seems to improve the impact of training and mentoring programs” (Bond & Haynes, 2014, p.
186). This recommendation will help to create an inclusive work environment for all employees
and support equity amongst marginalized groups.

Limitations and Future Directions
One of the main limitations found in this research was the ability to recruit a sufficient number of
participants. The objective was to recruit 5 to 8 participants to this study. Given the limited
timeframe for the Honours program and the disruptions due to the COVID-19 pandemic, we
stopped recruitment at four participants. Also, due to COVID-19, the recruitment and interview
process of this research was disrupted. Alternative measures directed by KPU REB were
implemented in response to COVID-19 as discussed in the methods chapter. Having additional
interviews may have strengthened the findings or allowed the recruitment of transgender
participants.
Another limitation of this research is the absence of Black transgender experiences within
the workplace. This research could not fully answer the research question, what are the
experiences of Black LGBTQ people within the workplace? Because there were no transgender
people in the study. Given the underrepresentation of Black transgender experiences in this
research, there is a need for future research to examine the experiences of Black transgender

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people within the workplace. These experiences could potentially include unique findings
because of the small sample size and the heterogeneity of Black LGBQ individuals and
communities. Therefore, the results cannot be generalized broadly.
Another limitation in this study was the time and financial constraint. Because of these
constraints, I was unable to ask participants to engage in the data analysis with me. By involving
participants in the data analysis process, they would have helped to offset any potential biases in
the analysis. Interviews were thereby, self-reported and may have been susceptible to response
biases.
More work is needed to identify the experiences of Black transgender and queer people
within the workplace. The experiences of Black transgender and queer people could have helped
to establish further similarities and differences within participants’ workplaces. More data on the
experiences of Black transgender and queer people would have helped to strengthened the key
themes identified in this research, which included racism, inequity in promotions and
opportunities, supervisors and responses to racism, and relationships with colleagues and
supervisors within the workplace.

Conclusion
This study is the only known study examining Black LGBQ people’s experiences in the
workplace in the Lower Mainland. The research revealed that Black lesbian and bisexual women
experienced increased mistreatment and various forms of discrimination within their workplace.
The theoretical framework of this research assisted in interpreting the findings, which included
critical race theory, feminist theory, intersectionality, and queer theory. The literature review also

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assisted in interpreting the findings of this research. Some of the major gaps in literature
surrounding the experiences of Black lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer people is the lack of
representation in workplaces. This research sought out participants’ perspectives, interpretations,
opinions, and feelings regarding their experiences as Black lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer
people within the workplace. By conducting semi-structured interviews over the phone, this
research was able to gain insight into participants' experiences and a chance to obtain a greater
understanding of the context behind each experience. This study found that Black lesbian and
bisexual women’s experiences were reflected through racism within the workplace, inequity in
promotions and opportunities, supervisors and responses to racism within the workplace, and
relationships with colleagues and supervisors within the workplace. This research also provides
some policy recommendations for workplaces within the service sector and the labour market.
These recommendations include upholding measures of Canada’s ​Employment Equity Act
(1955), and adjusting hiring, training, and promoting practices to include both the recruiters’ and
applicants’ understanding of the importance of diversity and inclusivity within the workplace.
These policy recommendations will help workplaces to be better equipped with the knowledge
and understanding of various forms of discrimination demonstrated within the workplace. They
will also provide further protection by the employers to members of marginalized groups that
work within the service sector and the labour market.
The findings of this research found that Black lesbian and bisexual women experienced
increased mistreatment concerning their racial identity in comparison to Black gay men within
the workplace. The findings of this research were supported by the theoretical framework and
research literature. The theoretical framework and research literature provided explanations and

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examples to help represent the key themes found in this research. The four key themes that this
chapter examined in more depth included 1) racism within the workplace, 2) inequity in
promotions and opportunities within the workplace, 3) supervisors responses to racism within the
workplace and 4) relationships with colleagues and supervisors within the workplace.

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Appendices
Informed Consent Form

RESEARCH ETHICS BOARD
Consent Form
Title of Research Project​: The Experiences of Black LGBTQ Canadians within the Workplace
Principal Investigator​: Dr. Tara Lyons (Criminology)
Application #​2020-01
Voluntary participation: ​Your participation in this research project is completely voluntary.
You have the right to withdraw from the research study at any time. You should ask the principal
investigator listed below any questions you may have about this research study. You may ask the
principal investigator questions in the future if you do not understand something that is being
done or have any questions. The investigators will share any new information that may develop
while you are participating in this study that might impact your continued willingness to
participate.
This consent form explains the research study you are being asked to join. Please review this
form carefully and ask any questions about the study before you agree to join. You may also ask
questions at any time after joining the study. See below for persons to contact.
Purpose of Research Project​: We are doing this research project to gain a better understanding
and to create awareness around the experiences of Black LGBTQ Canadians within the
workplace. Personal interviews will be conducted with members of Black LGBTQ community in
the Lower Mainland of Vancouver to talk about experiences within conventional workplaces

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such as jobs within the service sector (e.g. retail, restaurants) or the labour market (e.g.
construction, factory).
Procedures​: The project involves a semi-structured interview with you in your capacity as a
member of the Black LGBTQ community. The interview will be approximately 45-60 minutes in
length and held via telephone. The interview will focus on questions from an interview guide that
I have designed, under the supervision of the principal investigator.
If you consent to the audio-recording of the interview, I will use a handheld digital recorder - not
a personal smartphone - to create a digital audio file.
If you do not consent to the audio-recording of the interview, I will take handwritten notes during
the interview.
I will transcribe (type up) the audio files into transcripts. The interview transcripts will be
analyzed to find themes among yours and others’ experiences in the workplace.
Risks of harm/Discomforts/Inconvenience​: This project is Minimal-Risk Research. The risks
associated with participation are comparable to risks encountered in everyday life.
Benefits​: Compensation will be provided to research participants in form of a $30 dollar Amazon
gift card. This is to show appreciation for your expertise and to acknowledge your time involved
in the interview process.
Confidentiality​: Your name and any identifying information, including the name of your
workplace, will not be used in any publications and will not be shared with anyone. You may
choose to use a participant number (Participant #1) or a pseudonym (e.g., made up name) in all
written publications. Your workplace will only be identified by its sector (e.g., retail, restaurant).
All data collected from you will be stored in a locked cabinet in the office of the principal
investigator. Only myself and the principal investigator will have access to the consent forms and
interview files. Research data (notes, interview audio files and interview transcripts) will be used
to analyze findings for my thesis. By consenting to participate in this research project, you are
not waiving your rights to legal recourse in the event of research-related harm.
The interviews will be conducted via telephone, I will ensure to be in a private room during the
course of the interview. The research team highly encourages you to also find a private room to

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ensure your confidentiality. All copies of data will be kept on password protected computers
and/or in locked cabinets in the principal investigator’s office at KPU.
Research data will be kept for one year after the project is due, and then it will be securely
deleted if electronic and shredded if paper.
The research team will email two copies of the informed consent form to you prior to the
interview. You will be required to sign both copies of the informed consent form, returning one
sign copy back to the research team for our records, while keeping the other signed copy for your
records.
Research data will be published in the Kwantlen Open Resource Access (KORA) which is a
database for all KPU research and scholarly publications of student research. It may also be used
for classroom and conference presentations as well as academic journal articles.
Withdrawal from the Study: ​Your participation is completely voluntary and you have the right
to withdraw from the research at any time, including during or after the interview. If you wish to
withdraw, contact me or the principal investigator and we will stop the analysis of any data
based on your interview, and all data (electronic and hard copy) will be securely deleted and
destroyed.
Persons to Contact:​ If you want to talk to anyone about this research study because you think
you have not been treated fairly or think you have been hurt by joining the study, or you have
any other questions about the study, you should call the principal investigator, Tara Lyons
(604-599-3433 or ​tara.lyons@kpu.ca​) the KPU Research Ethics Board (604-599-3163 or
reb@kpu.ca).
Once you have read this document, or the document has been read and explained to you, and you
have been given the chance to ask any questions, please sign or make your mark below if you
agree to take part in the study.

Print Name of Subject:______________________________________________

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__________ I consent to the audio recording of this interview (indicate ​yes​ or ​no​)

____________________________________

____________

Signature or Mark of Subject or Legally Authorized Representative
____________________________________

Date
____________

Signature of Person Obtaining Consent

Date

Signed copies of this consent form must be 1) retained on file by the principal investigator
and 2) given to the participant

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Interview Guide
General Topics

Questions

Personal Background

● Where are you living right now? (What area of the
city?)
● Are you living with friends, family, by yourself?
● Are you in a relationship or seeing anyone right
now? If so, how long have you been together?

Gender

● Could you tell me a bit about your gender identity?
(Transgender, cisgender, trans, woman, non-binary?)
● (If appropriate, could you tell me a bit about your
journey to your current gender identity?)
● What are your pronouns?

Sexuality

● Could you tell me a bit about your sexual identity?
● How do you identify (e.g., queer, lesbian, gay,
bisexual etc.)?
● (If appropriate, could you tell me a bit about your
journey to your current sexuality?)

In this section I will ask you
some questions about your
work

● Where are you working right now?
○ How long have you been at the job/place?
○ (If not working right now, can you tell me
about your last job)?
● What is your current job role?
● Can you tell me about how you got the job? (through
a friend? you applied?) What was the interview
process like?
● How long have you been there?
● Do you have to commute for your job?
● What do you like best about your job?
● What is a challenging aspect of your job? Can you
give me an example?
● Most days, how do you feel at work? (happy, sad,
calm, stressed, anxious, annoyed)
● Do you feel safe at work?
● Do you feel like your voice is heard at work?
○ Can you give me a time when you felt your
voice was/wasn’t heard?

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Employment Relationships

● What are your relationships like with your
co-workers?
○ Can you tell me about a coworker that you
have a good relationship with?
○ Can you tell me about a coworker that you do
not have a good relationship with?
■ How did this feel like for you?
■ What emotions did this bring up?
● What are your relationships like with your
managers/supervisors?
○ Do you believe that they have knowledge
around LGBTQ individuals?
● Could you tell me about a time that you or someone
else at work experienced mistreatment?
● Do you feel like you are treated equally at work?
○ How is this demonstrated?
● Do you feel like you are part of a team?
● Are there colleagues you can trust?
● Do you feel like you get paid equally in comparison
to other coworkers?
○ Do you feel you are paid well?
○ Do you make enough money to live well?

Customer Interactions

● Can you talk about how customer interactions are at
your work? (If applicable)
○ Have you faced any issues concerning your
sexuality/gender identity?
○ Have you faced any issues concerning your
racial identity?
■ How was this issue dealt with? Was a
manager/supervisor involved?
● Do you have a customer base at work?

Gender & Work

● Are you out at work? (with fellow employees?
managers?)
● Can you talk about how your gender impacts your
work?
○ Can you talk about an example?
● Can you talk about how your gender impacts your
relationships with coworkers and managers?
● Do coworkers and managers use your pronouns? (If
applicable)

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Sexuality & Work

● Can you talk about how your sexuality/sexual
identity impacts your work?
○ Are you out at work?
■ How was this experience? (If
applicable)
■ Are there challenges for you when
coming out at work?
○ Have your colleagues met your partner?

Race & Work

● Can you talk about how being Black impacts your
relationships with coworkers?
○ Managers?
○ Clients?
● How many other Black people work with you?
○ How does it feel being the only one? (If
applicable)
● Have you experienced racism at work? Can you give
me an example if you feel comfortable
○ Have you reached out to coworkers and/or
managers about this experience? (If
applicable)

Demographics

● How old are you?
● What is your highest level of education completed?
● Do you have a physical and/or mental disability?
○ Does it affect your work performance? (If
applicable)

Final questions

● Is there anything you would like to add? Is there
anything I should have asked you that I did not?
● Any questions for me?

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