Discussion Points

Sexual Assault and Campus Safety
Anya Goldin (Ed.), Colleen Newton, Jerome Santos, Tracy Gall, Lorraine
Landry, & Dr. David P. Burns

In May of 2016, the British Columbia legislature passed Bill 23, effectively requiring all BC postsecondary institutions to draft sexual assault and misconduct policies. What follows are a series
of considerations, proposals, and questions formed by undergraduate students in one section
of EDUC 3240, Social Justice and Diversity in Educational Settings, during this period of policy
development both at KPU and around British Columbia.

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1. Trust in institutions
A victim’s decision to report an assault to their university should not be unduly influenced by fears
regarding their academic standing, confidentiality, or whether they will be believed.
Canadian students are making it clear to their university’s administrators that they do not have
trust in their institutions’ ability to handle sexual assault cases. The national chairwoman of the
Canadian Federation of Students, Bilan Arte, states that “administrations have made it very clear
to us as students that they're more interested in protecting their bottom line and their reputation
than they are in actually protecting the campus community” (Kane, 2016). This is significant
because, at the core, a victim’s propensity to report an assault relies on that person’s perception
of how well it will be addressed.
“Trust was a significant issue that determined if and to whom survivors reported
(Sable et al., 2006). Other factors include survivors’ concern over how they would
be treated as a factor in the decision to report, specifically fearing that they might
experience a lack of sensitivity (Amar, 2008; Logan, Evans, Stevenson, & Jordan,
2005) and a fear of the loss of confidentiality (Logan et al., 2005; Sable et al.,
2006)… Barriers at an institutional level include requiring victims to participate in
adjudication processes, unintentionally condoning victim blaming during violence
prevention programs, and sanctioning victims who have used drugs or alcohol
through strict policies (Karjane, Fisher, & Cullen, 2005)” (Amar et al., 2014, p. 580).
This is particularly concerning in the specific context of sexual assault - which is an already underreported crime (Benoit, 2015). Policy must, therefore, reflect possible fears a student may
experience in coming forward as a victim, and must take steps to rectify these. All members of the
community must have a good understanding of the process of reporting before an instance of
sexual assault arises, and should they not be, they should have immediate access to the
information they need to help inform them of their reporting options. While draft policies around
British Columbia today often touch on what students should expect when reporting, access to a
policy document is not equivalent to education.

Discussion Point 1
How can universities increase trust in institutional processes?

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2. The Days after
For victims, the return to campus is fraught. What do they need?
Arguably, one of the most vital roles the university must take on in the aftermath of an incidence
of sexual assault lies in the support made available to the victim. While much of the aftermath of
such incidents must be dealt with within the
justice system, the responsibility of ensuring
the safe and comfortable return of the victim
to the campus, should they choose to return,
falls heavily onto the university. Universities
are seldom, however, fully equipped to
support this return. For this reason,
universities in BC need to make more
extensive use of specialized external partners.
One study found that “…most campus sexual
assault and women’s centres rely on
volunteers and collaboration with off-campus organizations in order to maintain a breadth of
services for sexual assault survivors” (Quinlan et al, 2016, p. 1). While internal resources should be
thoroughly and intensively developed and utilized, institutions may choose to turn to partner
resources to aid them in victim support. These are a multitude of well-formed organizations that
are devoted to victim support, and given the adequate funding, would likely be interested in
partnerships. The resources available through these partnerships should be merely supplemental,
but would be highly beneficial if used correctly. Students, themselves, may feel more comfortable
having their resources based off-campus.
This argument applies to investigations of assaults, as well. According to a Global News article,
“after significant pressure from students and advocates on campus, the university has revised its
draft policy to allow for highly trained, trauma-informed investigators to handle all allegations of
sexual assault made against members of the UBC community” (Kane, 2017). This allowance for
outside investigators is promising. One must be careful, however, that such measures do not
disempower the survivors themselves.
Taylor (as cited in Kenney, 2002, p. 237) notes that a person who has been violated may have
experienced a “loss of power.” Therefore, it might be of little surprise that this person may feel
powerless, and possibly re-traumatized, if information about their case was withheld, or if the case
proceeded at a pace that was not favorable to the person’s level of comfort. Any sexual misconduct
policy should incorporate procedures whereby the person who has been violated maintains a
certain degree of control throughout the process, provided this does not compromise the case.

Discussion Point 2
What resources can universities draw on in supporting the safe return of victims to campus life?
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3. institutional reporting
We need shared definitions, and shared data.
Currently, Canadian universities are not required to publicly disclose their sexual assault records, and they
are under no government regulations regarding their reporting standards. New policies must require BC
institutions to properly document cases of sexual assault on campus. This reporting is vital in the creation
of data sets to guide future policy development. There are, however, multiple barriers to the accurate
reporting that is needed. One such barrier is the inconsistency with which institutions define sexual assault
and misconduct (McLaughlin, 2015). Because this definition is left up to each individual university,
universities are effectively reporting different data on different phenomena. Bill 23 does not require
institutions to adhere to any specific definitions of sexual misconduct.
The issues with victim underreporting and institutional underreporting make the needed statistics nearly
impossible to obtain, and the statistics that are obtained are to be taken with a grain of salt. In 2015, CBC
news requested the sexual assault statistics from 87 institutions across Canada between 2009 and 2013.
UBC reported 16 cases for their 43,020 students, 16 of the institutions had 0 recorded cases of sexual assault
on campus, and the highest number of cases reported for the 5-year span (not adjusted for number of
students) was 57, reported by Ryerson for their 23,860 students (CBC News, 2014). The highest instance
per 10,000 students over 5 years was 11.429, standing far above the vast majority of the institutions on this
list.
“[CBC] found just 700 reported cases on 87 campuses between 2009 and 2013. But
according to academic studies in the U.S., between one-in-five and one-in-three women
will experience a sexual assault on campus. Applying those proportions to Canada suggests
between 230,000 and 360,000 assaults among the 1.1 million women that Statistics Canada
recorded as enrolled at Canada’s post-secondary schools in the 2013-2014 academic year,
when the agency last counted” (Westwood, 2016).
While the exact statistics are contested, most estimates do indeed land astonishingly far from those
published by the CBC. A York survey for example, found that, of 406 students, 17% reported either
experiencing a case of sexual assault on campus, or know someone who has (Gray & Pin, 2016). To further
deepen the problem, of these institutions, 21 have made their statistics publicly available, while the
overwhelming majority of them, 66, have not. This dearth of accurate statistics stands in the way of future
policy development.

Discussion Point 3
What do we need to know about each institution to guide policy development at the provincial or
federal level?

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4. Policy education
We need ways to communicate the values of the new policies.
The introduction of Bill 23 has begun promising conversations across the province. Institutions
have made their policy drafts available to members of the community for consideration and
comment, and many have hosted discussion events. A 2016 survey of 406 York University students
found that only 66% of students were aware of the universities sexual assault policy (Grey & Pin,
2016, p. 6), and of those who are aware of it, it is unclear to what extent they understand it. So,
while the policies themselves are more transparent, what they mean might not be.
In an Ontario discussion paper, it is
stated that “effective, wellcommunicated policies help create
‘an environment where everyone on
campus knows that sexual violence
is unacceptable, victims receive the
services
they
need,
and
perpetrators are held accountable’
(Ontario Women’s Directorate,
2013, p. 11)” (as cited in METRAC,
2014, p. 6, emphasis added). While
universities are indeed moving in
the right direction by encouraging
discussions
within
their
communities during the drafting process, whether this will continue post-implementation remains
to be seen.
There are several things universities can do to ensure their community is well informed and
educated regarding their sexual assault policies. The first is to recognize that encouraging
community members to read the policy itself is insufficient. University policy can be technical, and
many persons will be disinclined to read any piece of institutional policy. Plain-language resources
containing all of the information experts deem necessary for members of the community to
understand must be made available and easily accessible. These could come in the form of video,
pamphlets, and/or online sources.

Discussion Point 4
Beyond disseminating the actual policy, how can universities ensure it is widely understood?

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5. Environmental design
We need safe spaces, not just policies about safety.
We must also consider changing how we construct the environment of campuses themselves.
Changing landscape designs by exchanging tall, visually impeding trees for short shrubs, for
example, would increase natural surveillance. Having adequately lit walkways and pathways
around campus would also aid in making more campus space more visible and, thereby, more
safe. Removing restroom doors and replacing them with maze
entrances could help avoid isolation in places that prohibit closedcircuit surveillance cameras. The display of security system signs, and
or placing of resources such as benches and vending machines in areas
which are commonly known to be underutilized can repopulate quiet
areas of campus and, thereby, help deter crimes.

Discussion Point 5
What physical changes could make campuses more safe?

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Amar, A.F., Strout, T.D., Simpson, S., Cardiello, M., & Beckford, S. (2014). Administrators’
perceptions of college campus protocols, response, and student prevention efforts for sexual
assault. Violence and Victims, (29), 579-593.
Bill 23-2016: Sexual Violence and Misconduct Policy Act. (2016). Retrieved from
https://www.leg.bc.ca/parliamentary-business/legislation-debates-proceedings/40thparliament/5th-session/bills/first-reading/gov23-1
CBC News. (2015, Feb 4). Interactive: Campus sexual assault reports. Retrieved from
http://www.cbc.ca/news/multimedia/interactive-campus-sexual-assault-reports-1.2944538
Gray, M., & Pin, L. (2016). Invisible supports: Examining undergraduate students’
knowledge of sexual assault resources at York university. Toronto, Ontario.
Kane, L. (2016, Mar 7). Sexual assault policies lacking at most Canadian universities, say
students. The Canadian Press. Retrieved from http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/britishcolumbia/canadian-universities-sex-assault-policies-1.3479314.
Kane, L. (2016, Mar 7). Sexual assault policies lacking at most Canadian universities, say
students. The Canadian Press. Retrieved from http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/britishcolumbia/canadian-universities-sex-assault-policies-1.3479314.
Kenney, J. S. (2002). Victims of crime and labeling theory: A parallel process? Deviant
Behavior, 23(3), 235-265.
METRAC. (2014). Sexual assault policies on campus: A discussion paper. Retrieved from
http://www.metrac.org/wpcontent/uploads/2014/11/final.formatted.campus.discussion.paper_.26sept14.pdf
McLaughlin, M. (2015, Feb 8). We have data on the number of sexual assaults reported at
each Canadian university. Now what? Academia Forum. Retrieved from
https://forum.academica.ca/forum/we-have-data-on-the-number-of-sexual-assaults-reportedat-each-canadian-university-now-what
Simon Fraser University, Policies and Procedures. (2016). Sexual Violence and Misconduct
Prevention, Education, and Support. Retrieved from
http://mial.sfu.ca/content/dam/sfu/policies/files/draft_policies/SFU%20SVP%20-%20Final%20Dr
aft%20for%20Community%20Review%20and%20Input.pdf
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The University of British Columbia Board of Governors. (2016). Sexual Assault. Retrieved
from http://universitycounsel.ubc.ca/files/2016/06/Proposed-Policy-131.pdf
Quinlan, E., Clarke, A., & Miller, N. (2016). Enhancing care and advocacy for sexual assault
survivors on Canadian campuses. Canadian Journal of Higher Education. 46(2), 40-54.
Westwood, R. (2016, Oct 6). Many Canadian schools aren’t collecting sexual assault data,
and no one seems keen to force them. Metro Vancouver. Retrieved from
http://www.metronews.ca/features/unsafe-space/2016/10/05/many-canadian-schools-notcollecting-data-on-sexual-assault.html

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